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Wed Jul 21 08:55:32 1993
From: "Arthur R. McGee"
OPENING DOORS IN THE GLOBAL VILLAGE
[From the July 1992 issue of IEEE Computer]
Dr. Ross Alan Stapleton,
Central Intelligence Agency
This material has been reviewed by the CIA to assist the author
in eliminating classified information, if any; however, that
review neither constitutes CIA authentication of material nor
implies CIA endorsement of the author's views.
With the enactment of the High Performance Computer and
Communications Initiative (HPCCI), the US is a step closer to the
realization of a National Research and Education Network. The NREN
will serve as an "Information Age interstate," and it is being sold
first and foremost as a tool for advancing US technological (and thus
economic) competitiveness. But this information superhighway is, in
the words of the late Ithiel de Sola Pool, one of many "technologies
without boundaries." The concrete interstate highway system, for all
it has enabled, still constrains us to follow the earth's geography: We
are physically confined to a small portion of our hemisphere. But with
an electronic superhighway, no place on the globe need be more than a
few seconds away.
The US has the world's largest information economy, though other
nations (in particular several neighbors across the Pacific) may be
surpassing the US in the degree to which information forms the basis of
national wealth. It is time for the nation to address both the formation
of a domestic information infrastructure, and the updating of its
foreign technology policy. The former will need to be competitive with
those of foreign counterparts, and the latter should reflect the new
realities that the information technologies are creating.
Building An Information State
The IEEE membership should be keenly interested in the growth of the
domestic networks -- the NREN as well as the many information services
not a part of the NREN. The NREN is intended as a possible model for
commercial networking, though it has grown up spectacularly and somewhat
anarchically through sizable contributions of community resources.
Simultaneously, enormous changes are likely in commercial information
services, as suggested by negotiations over the role telephone companies
will play in the creation and collection of information. The
relationship and evolution of these two enterprises will shape the
resulting Information Age landscape and dramatically effect how we work
and live in this new era.
The US is not alone in facing these challenges, and it would do well
to observe experiments elsewhere. France, for example, has made
networked information broadly accessible through Minitel, enabled by the
monopoly power of the state telephone service. While the US enjoys the
benefit of competition between communications carriers, providers have
repeatedly failed to deliver anything resembling Minitel's videotext-
based, value-added services. The majority of French telephone
subscribers have a national electronic telephone directory at their
fingertips, along with thousands of other services; Americans face an
electronic landscape dotted with oases, but still largely desert for
vast stretches.
When the US built its interstate highways, it had a great many more
"rules of the road" than exist today for the information interstates.
It could be a mistake to overestimate the virtues of unchecked diversity
While it may not be wise to put complete faith in standards, the
networks deserve more attention as a national resource than they have
thus far received. As they increasingly form the infrastructure for
the US economy, they'll need to be made more coherent--and transparent.
The question for the coming decade is how best to put information
resources into play in a manner in which the content, and not the
carrier, is all we care about.
The networks have helped to prove the viability of the information
economy, contributing across the board in areas from scientific
research to education; but they cannot be expected to function so
smoothly they change from an experimental luxury to a necessity. Their
growth will require the equivalent of a highway planner. The first
incarnation of the HPCCI died in the Congress in 1990 amidst interagency
squabbling. The initiative has now been enacted, but there is still
work to do in the formation of a domestic information traffic policy.
Recognizing the Arrival of the Global Village: Living With Our Neighbors
While considerable interest and attention have been devoted to the
formation of a national network linking high-performance computing
within the US, there has also been anxiety from some quarters about the
spread of such technologies to other countries. Moreover, with the end
of the Cold War, there has been a casting about for new problems to fit
old answers of export controls. Because of its dual nature, networking
may very well be the straw that breaks the back of past policies: It is
simultaneously a technology in its own right as well as the means to
make far more of other technologies.
As a technology, networking is subject to export controls. Because
the the computers and communications hardware and software necessary for
high-speed networking are capable of "dual-use" -- both civilian and
military applications -- they are regarded as resources that should be
denied to hostile nations. Prior to the Soviet collapse, such nations
were more easily defined, and the US, with CoCom (the Coordinating
Committeeon Multilateral Export Controls), enforced a defacto embargo on
a sizable share of information technologies. In the post-Cold War era,
there is a far more diverse neighborhood of nations, and it is harder to
determine who may pose a threat.
Networking, however, has the power to turn the concept of export
controls virtually inside out. There are few if any mechanisms to
enact effective export controls on information, and according to the
existing legislation, there is no justification for trying to control
information "in the public domain" -- for example, the original work
churning out of research departments to be widely shared in the US
tradition of academic openness.
Donald Douglas, co-founder of McDonnell Douglas, once said, "When the
weight of the paperwork equals the weight of the plane, the plane will
fly"; the same might be said of the paperwork required to install a
supercomputer overseas. US and Japanese supercomputers are in use in a
variety of countries, from Brazil to India. Each installation required
advance assessments of the likelihood that the supercomputer, once
acquired, might be diverted to illicit uses (like designing bombs).
Each transfer entailed the drafting of a security plan and arrangements
for site inspections at agreed-upon intervals. It has been the CoCom
community's business to watch such things very closely.
Now, however, networks have erased the physical borders that made
such restrictions a practical policy. According to the National
Science Foundation Link Letter, for example, scientists in Australia
recently demonstrated the use of a Connection Machine located in
Chicago, via the internetworking of Australian and US networks.
Similar demonstrations could have been conducted as well from South
Africa, Czechoslovakia, or Poland, all of which joined the global
Internet within the last year. On the one hand we try to frustrate
potential abusers of supercomputers overseas by attempting to meet all
the licensing requirements, which imposes extra costs in the form of
supercomputer sales delayed or never made. On the other hand we pay
minimal attention to the many more powerful machines in the US that are
becoming globally accessible. How can such a policy be reconciled?
There is a flow (some might consider it a potential hemorrhage) of
information and computational resources out of the US. Traditionally,
this gives rise to two major concerns: revelations that might diminish
national security, and the uncompensated dissemination of US
intellectual capital.
How do we place a value on information? And how do we calculate the
costs and benefits of its control, if indeed it can be controlled? By
recently becoming a signatory to the Berne Convention, the US has agreed
to abide by broad international definitions of intellectual
property rights; at the very same time, networks are making information
more than ever before. Practically speaking, there may be no
way to police much of the global information transfer in the age of
global information highways.
The problem is similarly complex when we try to weigh the costs and
benefits of networking in terms of national security. One of the
highlighted concerns in the "new world order" is the "proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction," -- the acquisition by less
technologically-advanced nations of the same class of military arms that
the major powers have had for years. Networking, we can reasonably
expect, will play a part in this proliferation. At a critical
juncture, the US drew on the intellect of immigrant scientists (many of
the contributors to the Manhattan Projectwere, in fact, early emigrants
from a Europe sliding towards war). Now, any nation hoping to acquire
its own capacity to produce modern weapons can comb the globe for
assistance. In the 1990s, this need only entail the migration of
information -- of ideas -- not of individual scientists.
Of course, there is a beneficial side to all this. Networks grant
us the power to gather resources from all over the globe by allowing
scientists and scholars to correspond with foreign counterparts. To a
degree, such access to the world will defuse the very threats the
outflow of certain information might fuel. Networks have the potential
to lessen ignorance of foreign cultures -- to help dispel the myths and
misunderstandings. If the US is to become an information sieve in this
Information Age, it can also benefit as other countries become less
opaque as well.
The global information landscape varies enormously. Outside of the
industrialized nations, the pervasiveness of the information
technologies falls off dramatically. This is not to say that the
networks cannot give us access to significant portions of the developing
world: We just have to recognize the appropriate technologies that
provide the tools. In the former USSR, simple message-passing protocols,
PCs, small minicomputers, and the switched telephone system has
permitted the creation of a sprawling and fast-growing network -- Relcom
-- that now links hundreds of computers and thousands of users from the
Baltics to the Caucasus to Eastern Siberia.
The US and other industrialized nations will find their own interests
served by keeping a finger on the pulse of global science and the
technologies advancing in a hundred countries worldwide. Forty years
ago the US was comparatively isolated, inventing the hydrogen bomb and
the intercontinental ballistic missile on one side of the Atlantic while
the Soviets did the same on the other side. The countries spied on
each other, and much of the information that flowed between the two
technological communities came through the diplomatic "networks" of
embassies and consulates. Governments in and of themselves are, with
some oversimplification, little changed in their capabilities. They
have, however, begun to use a much greater variety of contacts and
resources. An example of the rising importance of private versus
government power in amassing information is CNN, the Cable News Network,
which is arguably one of the most important sources available to the US
government.
But the considered, in-depth assessments required to ensure national
security will require something more than CNN. There is little
question that the government should maintain its human network of
science and technology attaches and counselors with their direct access
to developments in other nations. Each diplomatic position the US
staffs abroad is expensive, however. To keep a single science attache
in Moscow costs approximately $100,000 per year above and beyond the
individual's salary, and much more in places like Tokyo. A leased
communications line between the extensive US domestic networks and the
Relcom network radiating from Moscow would be no more expensive than
that solitary individual and could immediately two whole communities
substantially closer together.
Of course, there is no reason for the government not to emphasize
both, maintaining a physical presence abroad even while expanding a
virtual presence through the networks. While compiling material for
this article, I corresponded via electronic mail with David Kahaner of
the Office of Naval Research, which maintains a liaison office staffed
with scientific experts in Tokyo and a second office in London. Dr.
Kahaner has access to the Internet through a Japanese university, and
uses that access to send back a stream of reporting on Japanese activity
in supercomputing and artificial intelligence, as well as the various
aspects of Japanese government programs -- for example, the Real-World
Computing Program (formerly New Information Processing Technologies),
sponsored by MITI. This reporting is immediately available to a broad
audience in the US and anywhere in the world the networks reach.
Equally important, Kahaner is available as well.
The networks may also be the cheapest means of enabling the sort of
citizen diplomacy that President Bush called for in May of 1990. He
spoke in the context of the vacuum left in Eastern Europe by the retreat
of the USSR. The opportunities today, with the actual collapse of the
Soviet Union, are even greater. Cynics might interpret the call
for citizen diplomacy as a desire to pass the buck on foreign aid, but
it is also apparent that the information technologies are empowering
private individuals and groups as never before. Individuals and
government could take up such a challenge, working together for their
mutual benefit.
Even with the phenomenal progress in making computers faster, more
powerful, and better able to augment the human mind, the most important
resources on the networks are still people. Much of the "advertising
literature" on the coming NREN and the rest of the HPCCI tends to stress
only the highest end of the application spectrum: the transfer of
complex medical scans and multidimensional dynamic models to large color
workstations at megabits or gigabits per second. There is less
emphasis on the networking of people. Perhaps this is because the
organization of electronic communities will be accomplished not by any
new technologies the HPCCI might fund but by an investment in time,
community resources, and our own re-education as we learn to perceive
ourselves as members of the global electronic community.
In the past few years, the electronic mail address has become
ubiquitous in some professional communities. Starting from zero just
three or four years ago, calls for papers and conference announcements
in Computer and the Communications of the ACM now list e-mail points of
contact well over 80 percent of the time -- nearly 100 percent for
US events. But the e-mail address is far more a personal tag than an
organizational tool: Within our electronic space we need to build the
same sort of organizational structures we have in the traditional world.
Some Recommendations
The US should define a modern information technology foreign policy
in light of the new political and technological realities. Balancing
the pros and cons of exporting networking technologies should include in
the equation the very real gains that might be made through
strengthening the bonds between the electronic communities and affording
the nation better access to the rest of the world. The US government
could play a role in building bridges, thereby enticing its citizens to
take ideas and expertise abroad for the good of both the US and those
countries which might be brought into closer collaboration. This will
the leveling of some of the remaining barriers, especially those whose
raison d'etre has been made obsolete by the transformational power of
information technologies. When we have cleared away the obstacles
justified only by our Cold War fears, we ought to consider investing in
the global infrastructure, though merely reducing bureaucratic barriers
may be enough to entice private interests to make that effort.
For our part, as individuals and representatives of nongovernmental
societies, we need to foster the extension of the professional
communities along these new information roadways. By recognizing the
new realities and taking advantage of the information technologies now
in the hands of private citizens, we can help fill the vacuums left in
the wake of the enormous political changes that have recently swept the
globe.
1. I. de Sola Pool, "Technologies Without Boundaries: On
Telecommunications in a Global Age," E. M. Noam, ed., Harvard University
Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1990.
2. "Bush Announces `Citizen Democracy Corps,'" UPI, May 12, 1990.
3. "Finding Common Ground: U.S. Export Controls in a Changed Global
Environment," Panel on the Future Design and Implementation of U.S.
National Security Export Controls, National Academy of Sciences,
National Academy Press, Washington, D.C., 1991.
Ross Alan Stapleton is an analyst with the Central Intelligence Agency,
Washington, DC 20505. His e-mail address is r.stapleton@compmail.com
or stapleton@bpa.arizona.edu.
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