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Through a Glass Historically
Historian's Perspective on the War in Iraq

By Professor Bruce Kuklick

I’ve been asked on many occasions to talk about current events. Being a historian means that you believe you can’t really understand what’s going on until 30 years later, after a generation has passed. What historians can do is look at patterns that have occurred in the past. Those patterns may or may not be relevant to questions people are asking today about the war in Iraq. Here are some examples of what I mean.

From the time of the Spanish-American War, this country has flaunted the essence of evil in its enemies. When the battleship Maine was destroyed in Havana Harbor, William McKinley literally got down on his knees and prayed for divine guidance in striking out against the evil that was Spain. Americans demonized Germany in both world wars and the North Koreans and Vietnamese in subsequent wars. Today, with the exception of Nazi Germany, it is generally thought that the evil attributed to our enemies never really existed. There were differences of opinion—there were good guys and bad guys—but there wasn’t the kind of incarnate malice that was used to justify entry into these wars.

The second example is the standard argument people make that civil liberties take a hit during wartime. In World War I, A. Mitchell Palmer, a renegade attorney general, deported and jailed all sorts of foreigners and immigrants during the first Red Scare. In World War II, there was the incarceration of the Japanese in the detention camps. The Korean War is well known for the rise of McCarthyism, and the Vietnam War is associated with expansion of the powers of the FBI and the CIA.

What really happens in wartime, I think, is not just a curb in civil liberties but exaggerated responses to them. Although you had the Red Scare during World War I, you also had the impetus for women’s suffrage that led to the Fourteenth Amendment. Besides relocation camps, World War II also brought an expansion of work opportunities for African Americans and women. The Korean War helped integrate the armed services, and there was an efflorescence of social movements during the Vietnam War—a general loosening of American culture, the Civil Rights Movement, the movement for gay rights, and the women’s revolution.

The last thing is what I call the relatively untouched nature of the U.S. during wartime. Teddy Roosevelt called the Spanish-American War a “splendid little war” because it gave us a chance to flex our muscles—at very little cost. World War II was an enormous conflict, and there were 375,000 American deaths. The Soviet Union had a comparable population and lost 20 million. We used the Russians like mercenaries in that war, supplying them with enormous quantities of tanks, clothing, and armaments. When we do get into war, we rely on our enormous technological superiority. And when Americans begin to take casualties, as happened in Korea and Vietnam, the Truman and Johnson administrations were driven from office.

I watch CNN a lot, as I’m sure many of you do. The way the media intrudes on the private miseries of American families who have lost kids in Iraq seems obscene to me, especially in comparison to what the Iraqi people are suffering. What it suggests is that Americans have very little sense of how ghastly war is. This, it seems to me, makes us more willing to engage in war.

Bruce Kulkick, C’63, Gr’68, is the Roy F.
and Jeannette P. Nichols Professor of
American History. This article is
adapted from a talk he delivered in the
fall at the home of Pam, CW’73, and
Tony Schneider in Bryn Mawr, PA.

Copyright ©2004 University of Pennsylvania
School of Arts and Sciences
Updated August 31, 2004