Abelmann, Nancy. "Women's Class Mobility and Identities in South Korea: A Gendered, Transnational, Narrative Approach (in Community Conflicts and the State in India: Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 2 (1997): 398-420.

Anderson, Benedict R. O'G. "Old State, New Society: Indonesia's New Order in Comparative Historical Perspective." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 3 (1983): 477-96.
The author of this article argues that the paradox of postcolonial states pursuing internal and external policies remarkably similar to those of their colonial predecessors, despite the passage from colonialism to independence, is best resolved by focusing on the distinct, long-standing, institutional interests of the state-qua-state. It is these interests that make explicable the key policies of Suharto's New Order toward economic development, the Chinese minority, participatory organizations, and internal and external security. The author analyzes the nature and growth of the Dutch colonial state, its decline and near-collapse between 1942 (Japanese invasion) and 1965 (downfall of Sukarno's Guided Democracy), and its revival under ex-colonial sergeant Suharto.

Ariga, Chieko. "Dephallicizing Women in Ryukyo Shinshi: A Critique of Gender Ideology in Japanese Literature." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 3 (1992): 565-86.
Chieko Ariga challenges a critical tradition emphasizing that Japanese literature of the post-1968 era should be studied primarily to trace the transition from traditional to modern. She argues that a gendered perspective on this same literary corpus produces a much different understanding. To illustrate this, Ariga takes up the portrayals of geisha in an 1874 work of parodist fiction, Ryukyo shinshi (New Record of Prosperous Yanagibashi) by Narushima Ryuhoku. Although many male critics have found in Narushima's early Meiji period work elements of individualism, liberalism, and democracy that link him to the modern, Ariga finds Narushima's portrayals of geisha served only to reinforce the women's suppression in the Meiji patriarchal order by reducing these women and their bodies to objects circulated in the male economy of desire. Ariga concludes that feminist criticism, unlike older critical approaches, presents an opportunity to interrupt this patriarchal ideology from reproducing and reinforcing itself.

Attwood, Donald W. "Peasants Versus Capitalists in the Indian Sugar Industry: The Impact of the Irrigation Frontier." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (1985): 59-80.
Has the organization of commercial agriculture in the Third World been shaped primarily by external forces from the world economy? This study of sugar production in northern and western India shows that industrialists were generally unable to impose a plantation system on the local peasantry, despite the great technical and economic advantages of doing so. Control of the land, in most cases, did not pass into the hands of industrialists. The organization of crop production remained almost unchanged in the north, while in the west, despite initial progress toward a plantation system, the local cultivators responded by taking control of the industry into their own hands. Thus, contrary to experience in much of the New World, Indian villagers did not become passive victims of the sugar industry; those in the west went even further, in taking over the industry themselves. The contrast between these regions can be explained in part by the temporary existence of an "irrigation frontier" in the west.

Ayers, William. "Current Biography in Communist China (in The Biographical Approach to Chinese History: A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (1962): 477-85.

Bellah, Robert N. "Japan's Cultural Identity: Some Reflections on the Work of Watsuji Tetsuro." Journal of Asian Studies 24, no. 4 (1965): 573-94.

Bowen II, J. Ray, and David C. Rose. "On the Absence of Privately Owned, Publicly Traded Corporations in China: The Kirby Puzzle." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 2 (1998): 442-52.

Bowen, John R. "The Forms Culture Takes: A State-of-the-Field Essay on the Anthropology of Southeast Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 4 (1995): 1047-78.
JOHN BOWEN reviews key issues and developments in his state-of-the-field article on Southeast Asian anthropology. Although much of the work in the field shares an interest in culture, the emphases have shifted recently, away from an earlier preoccupation with studying culture through its "public forms" and their "intrinsic" meanings to a concern with interpreting the meanings they acquire and possess for different sets of actors. Through his extensive survey of the literature, Bowen shows that anthropologists have turned their attention away from face-to-face communities to scrutinize how people understand and interpret their roles and experiences in a changing world, where their lives are increasingly shaped by a variety of institutions ranging from state to school to mosque. "Rather than analyzing culture into intrinsically meaningful symbols and meanings," Bowen believes, "Southeast Asianists have come to see culture as a history of people interpreting public forms.".

———. "On the Political Construction of Tradition: Gotong Royong in Indonesia." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (1986): 545-61.
The idea of "mutual assistance" (gotong royong) in Indonesia has been the basis for political discourse concerning the nature of authority, the characteristics of village society, and the legitimacy of demands for labor by the state. This article traces the way in which both changing political ideologies and state-village relations have been mediated by the term gotong royong, and suggests that its multiple meanings have been central to its semantic, political, and economic roles. Local interpretations of national doctrine and reactions to state policy are examined in two cases: East Java and Gayo (Aceh). The wide variety of local strategies is perceived as depending on preexisting political traditions and power relations vis-a-vis the state.

Bowie, Katherine A. "Unraveling the Myth of the Subsistence Economy: Textile Production in Nineteenth-Century Northern Thailand." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (1992): 797-823.
Katherine Bowie uses evidence about textile production in northern Thailand to explore the economic and social history of the Thai peasantry in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In contrast to the prevailing characterization of Thailand of that period as a happy, egalitarian peasant subsistence economy whose existence was insured by the royal Thai family-where "fish abound in the streams and canals and many fruits and vegetables grow without care"-she portrays a struggle for subsistence among the highly stratified rural populace through hard work and complex patterns of exchange. Bowie employs both historical records and field interviews with aged rural inhabitants in building her case.

Brocheux, Pierre. "Moral Economy or Political Economy? The Peasants Are Always Rational (in Peasant Strategies in Asian Societies: Moral and Rational Economic Approaches--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 4 (1983): 791-803.
James Scott's and Samuel Popkin's theories must undergo the test of historical facts. The author considers three points: the village community; the individuals and the spirit of enterprise; and the peasant protest movements in Vietnam. Having not worked in exactly the same fields (South or Central Vietnam) or on the same periods (colonial or postcolonial eras), both Scott and Popkin have generalized their own experiences. In fact, the Vietnamese peasants cling to "moral economy" or engage themselves in "political economy"according to the general situation and to what is at stake for them. Thus, the two explanatory schemes--Scott's moral economy and Popkin's political economy--cannot be used separately or one against the other but must be used together to permit an adequate consideration of the transformations of the Vietnamese peasantry.

Brow, James. "Class Formation and Ideological Practice: A Case From Sri Lanka." Journal of Asian Studies 40, no. 4 (1981): 703-18.
An adequate understanding of the complex connections between changes in the social relations of production and changes in the bases of group formation demands an historical approach in which consciousness and its ideological products are viewed dynamically, not as the mechanically determined superstructural reflections of material relations but as an active and constituent components of everyday social life. The concepts required for such an analysis are developed here, drawing on the seminal work of both Marx and Weber, as well as on more recent scholarship, and are applied to recent changes in agrarian relations and ideological practice in Anuradhapura District, Sri Lanka.

Brown, Sidney Devere. "Okubo Toshimichi: His Political and Economic Policies in Early Meiji Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (1962): 183-97.

Burks, Ardath W. "Administrative Transition From Han to Ken: The Example of Okayama." Journal of Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (1956): 371-82.

Burton, Antoinette. "House/Daughter/Nation: Interiority, Architecture, and Historical Imagination in Janaki Majumdar's "Family History"." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 4 (1997): 921-46.

Chen, Edward I-te. "Japan's Decision to Annex Taiwan: A Study of Ito-Mutsu Diplomacy, 1894-95." Journal of Asian Studies 37, no. 1 (1977): 61-72.

Chi, Madeleine. "Bureaucratic Capitalists in Operation: Ts`Ao Ju-Lin and His New Communications Clique, 1916-1919." Journal of Asian Studies 34, no. 3 (1975): 675-88.

Chiu, Hungdah. "The Development of Chinese International Law Terms and the Problem of Their Translation into English (in New Developments in Western Studies of Chinese Law: A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 27, no. 3 (1968): 485-501.

Cho'e, Yong-ho. "Reinterpreting Traditional History in North Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (1981): 503-23.
In reinterpreting traditional history according to the Marxist world view, the question of periodization is vitally important. This article examines the controversies surrounding the periodization and the nature of the new interpretation of traditional history in North Korea. One characteristic that stands out prominently in North Korean historiography is the nationalistic emphasis placed on the uniqueness and the superiority of the Korean civilization unaffected by any external influence. Also noteworthy is the attempt to reinterpret modern history largely in terms of glorifying the immediate forefathers of Kim Il-song at the expense of historical objectivity.

Choi, Kee Il. "Technological Diffusion in Agriculture Under the Bakuhan System." Journal of Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (1971): 749-59.
Ohkawa and Rosovsky allege that the jump in Meiji land productivity was the result of exploitation of a large technological backlog which the Bakuhan system created in the advanced region of Tokugawa Japan, such as kinki, by blocking technological diffusion. This allegation is without factual substance--land productivity was probably the highest in the kinki region (prefectures of Kyoto, Osaka, Nara, Wakayama, Mie, Hyogo, and Shiga), but this region was the last place where farming technology could have been bottled up. The han governments could not set up effective artificial barriers there because their landholdings were so fragmented and so intermingled with others in kinki and also because technology-diffusion forces such as traffic, population density, and commercialization were sogreat. Therefore, it is the specialization of land and labor in order to produce certain crops for the market that was largely responsible for the high land productivity in kinki. Likewise, it is highly likely that the alleged rise in Meiji land productivity can be attributed chiefly to accelerated commercialization and specialization, brought about by the coming of railroads, the commutation of taxes, the great inflation (1877-1881), and general changes in demand. Autonomous and competitive han, driven by the necessity of meeting their increasing expenditures, expanded interregional trade and diffused, rather than obstructed, technology thus overcoming artificial and natural barriers.

Cohen, Myron L. "Lineage Organization in North China." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (1990): 509-34.
Myron Cohen presents a new interpretation of Chinese lineage organization based on field work conducted in north China during 1986 and 1987. This north China variant, which Cohen calls "the fixed genealogical mode," is contrasted with the southeast China pattern first described by Maurice Freedman. In the southeast China pattern, which Cohen distinguishes as "the associational mode," corporate property is seen as the chief factor providing cohesion to the lineage. Claims on corporate holdings give the lineage its fundamental organization, and status within a lineage or the segmentation of lineages are determined primarily on the basis of such claims. In contrast, Cohen argues that lineages retain a central role in village life in the north China "fixed genealogical mode" even though they may lack corporate property. Cohen believes that pressures have stripped away most tangible resources of north China lineages, but have left behind strongly hierarchical relations based on seniority among lines of descent from a founding ancestor. He finds that these lineage bonds are expressed in the annual ritual cycle of the region.

Cohen, Paul A. "The Contested Past: The Boxers As History and Myth." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (1992): 82-113.
In our final article, PAUL COHEN, in reviewing the historiography of the Boxer uprising (1899-1900), sees Chinese historians and intellectuals creating three different myths from the history of the Boxers. First, after 1915 in the New Culture days, the Boxers were cast as superstitious, ignorant peasants whose blind antiforeignism rejected the truth that China must modernize. Second, in the 1920s, the Boxers became transformed into a nativist movement founded on righteous anti-imperalism and healthy patriotism, while the Boxers' previously undesirable qualities were largely looked. Finally, during the cultural Revolution period (1966-1976), the historical Boxers were completely displaced by the Communist Party's mythic creation of aroused rural men and women whom all good Chinese were supposed to emulate in the continuing fight against foreign and domestic enemies. Cohen concludes these various conceptions of the Boxers show what a strong hold popular myths come to have over our conceptions of the past, and he suggests it is most difficult to recover history from their grasp.

Colegrove, Kenneth. "The New Order in East Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (1941): 5-24.

Cressey, George B. "A Russian View of the Economic Geography of Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (1942): 180-184.

Dasgupta, Jyotirindra. "Community, Authenticity, and Autonomy: Insurgence and Institutional Development in India's Northeast (in Community Conflicts and the State in India: Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 2 (1997): 345-70.

Dirlik, Arif. "Mirror to Revolution: Early Marxist Images of Chinese History." Journal of Asian Studies 33, no. 2 (1974): 193-223.
The materialist interpretation of Chinese history has been bound up with questions of revolutionary strategy, the questions themselves reflecting changing conceptions of politics and political change. The initial stage of historical
materialism in China examined here, the "social history controversy," arose after 1927, subsequent to the breakdown of the first united front between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang. The acknowledged aim of the participants was to understand Chinese social structure, past and present, and to evolve from that a proper revolutionary strategy. This essay delineates the ways in which their perceptions of contemporary social structure and their vision of the future interfered with their interpretations of the past. Secondly, from the broader perspective of the twentieth century, the turn to historical materialism reflected an increasing concern with social history in the 1920's. This was a response to certain questions raised in the New Culture Movement of the 1910's. The New Culture Movement, by stressing the need for the ideological transformation of China as the basis for political change, inadvertently demonstrated the insufficiency of ideological transformation and the necessity of social change. Social history, and historical materialism, gained in importance with the increasing appreciation of the social dimensions of political change.

Dittmer, Lowell. "Death and Transfiguration: Liu Shaoqi's Rehabilitation and Contemporary Chinese Politics." Journal of Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (1981): 455-79.
Liu Shaoqi, the highest-ranking Chinese Communist leader to fall victim to China's Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, was posthumously rehabilitated in spring 1980. His rehabilitation was accompanied by the publication of new materials on his life and career, enabling us to fill in various lacunae and to attempt a more comprehensive assessment of his political import. If the vindication is successful among China's still somewhat skeptical masses, Liu may come to serve as a popular symbol of the folly of spontaneous mass participation in politics and the essential continuity of China's Marxist-Leninist tradition from the 1950s to the 1980s. To China's officialdom, Liu will represent the ultimate integrity of the Party apparatus, an avatar of the self-cultivated rectitude of the "clean official.".

Doeppers, Daniel F. "Metropolitan Manila in the Great Depression: Crisis for Whom?" Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 3 (1991): 511-35.
Daniel F. Doeppers' topic is the Great Depression's impact on Manila. It might be expected, reasoning from the character of the world depression and the nature of Manila's entrepot economy, that the city's population would have experienced sharp economic losses and severe hardships in the 1930s. Instead, Doeppers' research led him to conclude that, in Manila, wealthy and middle-class Filipinos did not suffer greatly. Even the working class was partially protected because of a sugar boom and counter-cyclical construction employment. Most middle-class employees kept their jobs and were favored by falling food prices, so he concludes that, among middle-class Filipinos in Manila, the 1930s is remembered as a period of stability, while the World War II years are recalled as a period of great suffering. Doeppers' work suggests that the experience of a colonial entrepot during a depression may be distinct both from the situation in the metropolitan economy and from the experience of the entrepot's own rural hinterland.

Domes, Jurgen. "New Policies in the Communes: Notes on Rural Societal Structrues in China, 1976-1981." Journal of Asian Studies 41, no. 2 (1982): 253-67.
Since 1978 dramatic changes have occurred in Chinese rural societal policies with respect to the three levels of collective agricultural production; the parameters for family sideline occupations and village markets; and the extension and allocation of private plots. In general, these changes reflected a distinct retreat from the former emphasis on collective production. The author describes the changes that have taken place in rural societal policies and discusses the difficulties that have arisen in implementing the new policies. He also comments on statements by the current leadership used to support and justify new policies.

Doner, Richard F. "Approaches to the Politics of Economic Growth in Southeast Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (1991): 818-49.
Richard F. Doner, in reference to Southeast Asia, asserts the need to broaden the discussion of economic growth to include political economy, which he defines as "the ways politics influences aspects of economic policymaking," and, in turn, how economic activity influences the political process. He points out that dependency theory has the value of showing how external events and forces can affect the economy of small states participating in a regional or world economy, while institutional theory can explain the role of the state in creating limits to the functioning of market forces. He adds a plea, based on his own research in Thailand, for scholars using the institutional approach not to exclude the important activities of nongovernmental bodies such as trade associations or merchant groups from their analysis.
.

Dore, R. P. "The Meiji Landlord: Good or Bad?" Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (1959): 343-55.

Duus, Peter, and Daniel I. Okimoto. "Comment: Fascism and the History of Pre-War Japan: The Failure of a Concept." Journal of Asian Studies 39, no. 1 (1979): 65-76.
Following the end of the Second World War, Japanese and foreign scholars eagerly seized upon the concept of fascism as the basis of an analytic framework for explaining what had gone wrong in pre-war Japan and who, if anyone, could be held responsible. The literature on Japanese fascism is, as a result, quite extensive; some of it is richly insightful. The problem with such studies, however, is that fascism has never been satisfactorily defined, either logically or empirically. Recent studies have shown how difficult it is to find a definition that is at once broad enough to encompass the varieties of fascism across time and space and yet concrete enough to illumine distinctive characteristics. In this comment, some of the salient distinguishing features of the Japanese experience are alluded to, and a few important questions which studies of Japanese fascism have failed to address are identified. After nearly forty years' pursuit of the phantom of fascism, the time has come to direct our search toward alternative theoretical concepts which promise to throw new light and fresh perspective on what happened during the twenties and thirties, and why.

Eberhard, Wolfram. "Social Mobility Among Businessmen in a Taiwanese Town." Journal of Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (1962): 327-39.

Eder, James F. "Family Farming and Household Enterprise in a Philippine Community, 1971-1988: Persistence or Proletarianization? (in Scripture and Society in Modern Muslim Asia--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (1993): 647-71.
JAMES F. EDER's article also invites crossregional comparison within Asia and beyond. Eder asks: How did the family farm fare under the pattern of capitalist development occurring in the Philippines from roughly 1970 to 1990? His data are drawn from a market-gardening community near the capital city of Palawan Province, but the discussion is framed in the larger terms of the process of proletarianization of rural work and the persistence of household farming. Eder concludes that household farms have persisted and even prospered, but that their position within the overall economy of the area has changed markedly. Eder argues against labeling this pattern of change as partial or semiproletarianization. Instead, he believes that we can better understand the processes of capitalist change among small-scale Asian households by focusing on "the persistence of self-employment, traditional household organization, and household-based enterprises" facilitated by the availability of non-farm employment in an increasingly diverse economy.

Edwards, David B. "Summoning Muslims: Print, Politics, and Religious Ideology in Afghanistan (in Scripture and Society in Modern Muslim Asia--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (1993): 609-28.

Eisenstadt, S. N. "Religious Organizations and Political Process in Centralized Empires." Journal of Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (1962): 271-94.

Elliott, Carolyn M. "Decline of a Patrimonial Regime: The Telengana Rebellion in India, 1946-51." Journal of Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (1974): 27-47.

Elman, Benjamin A. "Political, Social, and Cultural Reproduction Via Civil Service Examinations in Late Imperial China." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (1991): 7-28.
Benjamin A. Elman returns to discuss one of the perennial topics in Chinese studies, the role of the examination system. He argues against the notion that the examination system should be interpreted as a mechanism providing social mobility in late imperial China. Instead, he views the Ming-Ch'ing period examinations as a means of political, social, and cultural reproduction for the prevailing social system. Elman also adopts a cultural relativist stance to attack the presentist notion that the examinations somehow held China back from modernization. He rejects approaches that evaluate the late imperial period only in terms of a universal process of modernization and argues instead that the examination system and the educational process built around it functioned as a gyroscope that stabilized China over half a millennium.

Evers, Hans-Dieter. ""Monastic Landlordism" in Ceylon: A Traditional System in a Modern Setting." Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (1969): 685-92.

Feuerwerker, Albert. "Presidential Address: Questions About China's Early Modern Economic History That I Wish I Could Answer." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (1992): 757-69.
In his presidential address, Albert Feuerwerker discusses the question of why the Chinese economy developed differently than the Western European, North American, and Japanese economies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. That issue has defined the field of Chinese economic history for more than a century, and has been the subject of several articles and statements in the JAS during 1991 and 1992 (Rawski 50.1:84-111; Myers 50.3:604-28; Huang 50.3:629-33; Wong 51.3:600-11). Feuerwerker begins from a premise established only within the span of his career, the agreement that "the Chinese economy and society in the late-Ming and early-Qing dynasties were remarkably dynamic," replacing an earlier assumption that the Chinese economy was stagnant and backward. Once this view of early modern Chinese economy became accepted, historians began asking why such dynamism did not produce industrialization in China as it did in Western Europe. Feuerwerker agrees that part of the answer lies in the fact that the Chinese case is different because of "specifically Chinese cultural features." Thus, he agrees these differences meant the Chinese economy could not change in exactly the ways that produced industrialization in Western Europe. However, his main point draws distinctions among three forms of economic growth: extensive growth characterized by constant returns to additional inputs, modern growth, a la Adam Smith, involving increased per capita output, but characterized by major cyclical fluctuations and real barriers to sustaining such increases over time, and intensive growth, a la Simon Kuznets, which produces sharp structural changes that produce breakthroughs based on the application of new technology to produce greater per capita output and incomes. He believes specialists studying Chinese economic history have not paid sufficient attention to these distinctions. If they do, he believes, it is possible both to better understand and to more clearly interpret Chinese economic history.

Finnane, Antonia. "A Place in the Nation: Yangzhou and the Idle Talk Controversy of 1934." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 4 (1994): 1150-1174.
ANTONIA FINNANE examines Chinese nationalism during the 1930s through a discussion of Idle Talk on Yangzhou (Xianhua Yangzhou), published in 1934 by the nationalist literary critic Yi Junzuo, and the subsequent storm of controversy that led his publisher to pull the book from circulation. Finnane shows how Yi Junzuo's writing borrows certain Western patterns of orientalizing, modernizing, and gender-typing that parallel the response of his contemporary South Asia counterparts in appropriating Western approaches for their own efforts to promote nationalism in India. She feels that approaches used by scholars of South Asia to explain the rise of nationalism under British colonial rule can be constructively used in analyzing China and thus develops comparative themes voiced in the symposium "Dimensions of Ethnic and Cultural Nationalism in Asia" (JAS 53.1 [February 1994]:3-123). Her conclusions suggest a greater similarity in political and social movements in twentieth-century South Asia and East Asia than is generally assumed.

Fletcher, Miles. "Intellectuals and Fascism in Early Showa Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 39, no. 1 (1979): 39-63.
Using the concept of fascism for analyzing political developments in early Showa Japan has become a controversial topic, and a lively debate about a general definition of fascism has raged among scholars of modern European history. This article presents a new interpretation of Japanese fascism and a modification of Ernst Nolte's definition of fascism as anti-modernism. The author argues that while Japan was not fascist during the 1930s, the original New Order Movement, which was planned by the Showa Research Association and promoted by Premier Konoe Fumimaro in 1940, did constitute a fascist movement. It was modeled on policies of European fascism and, fitting Nolte's definition, aimed at creating an anti-modern society. In addition, the New Order Movement revealed a polarity in its basic goals-the advocacy of anti-modernism and the simultaneous quest for a strong military and industrial state-that is central to fascist movements. The author also rejects the previously held image of Japanese intellectuals as passive resisters against the rise of authoritarianism in Japan by emphasizing the leading roles of three prominent writers-Miki Kiyoshi, Ryu Shintaro, and Royama Masamichi-in planning the New Order Movement.

Friedman, Edward. "Reconstructing China's National Identity: A Southern Alternative to Mao- Era Anti-Imperialist Nationalism (in Dimensions of Ethnic and Cultural Nationalism in Asia--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (1994): 67-91.
EDWARD FRIEDMAN argues that the national ethos of the People's Republic of China was built around a myth of how the Chinese Communists successfully repelled imperialism, first by resisting the Japanese invasion, and then by struggling against United States' aggression. This ethos took form in North China and spread southward, but since the 1980s, during the period of Deng Xiaoping's reform, this old ethos is being undermined by a new Southern pride in their own achievements. One form of the new pride, he finds, are interpretations of archaeological discoveries that can be taken to indicate the cultural independence of the South from what the standard texts had previously enshrined as the true core of ancient Chinese civilization in the North China plain. He concludes that this formulation of multiple Chinese identities with the ancient world reflects the reality of identity transformations now taking place in China.

———. "Revolution or Just Another Bloody Cycle?: Swatow and the 1911 Revolution." Journal of Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (1970): 289-307.
The 1911 Revolution in China is usually considered a failure. Changing the perspective of judgement from the national level to the local level permits a reassessment. Enough information is available from Chinese memoirs, contemporary newspapers, and foreign consular reports to make the new judgement somewhat secure if attention is focused on one particular location--Swatow. The old administration was overthrown by ex-peasants led by deracinated rural intellectuals. They took power in the name of modern merchants. These merchants easily pushed the young radicals out because the ideology of the radical prevented them from using force against the wealth and status of the merchants. Rural disorder of the ex-peasants and republican election victorier for the radicals forced the urban merchants to rely on foreign election victories for the radicals forced the urban merchants to rely on foreign wealth and rural power to maintain law and order needed for trade and to maintain their own urban power base. Armed peasants and the young radicals were suppressed or bought off. Power fell to rural warlords and other political allies in urban enclaves. Only a rejoining of radical intellectuals and ex-peasants could offer China a revolution instead of just another bloody cycle.

Fujieda, Akira, and Wilma Fairbank. "Current Trends in Japanese Studies of China and Adjacent Areas." Journal of Asian Studies 13, no. 1 (1953): 37-47.

Fujitani, Takashi. "Electronic Pageantry and Japan's "Symbolic Emperor"." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (1992): 824-50.
In this issue's last article, based on the Showa Emperor's funeral and the Heisei Emperor's succession rites, Takashi Fujitani reflects on the altered imperial presence in Japanese society. Fujitani concludes that, during the post-1945 era, the imperial aura has become smaller, shriveled, and banalized. Television, he finds, turns the Japanese monarch and the imperial household into "simply other commodities, to be consumed." Thus, while he does not share the fear that the Japanese emperor may somehow reemerge as the powerful, remote, and divine talisman of national greatness, he concludes that the figure of the emperor still may serve as the vehicle for new brands of neo-nationalism, possible in large measure because of the way the contemporary media, especially television, appropriate the emperor, which empties his figure of all meaning, providing only diversion through spectacle, and transmitting historical forgetfulness.

Gardella, Robert. "Squaring Accounts: Commercial Bookkeeping Methods and Capitalist Rationalism in Late Qing and Republican China." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (1992): 317-39.
Robert Gardella re-examines the bookkeeping and accounting methods common among large Chinese commercial firms during the late Qing and Republican periods. He finds evidence contradicting the assertions of Max Weber that in China "There was no genuine, technically valuable system of commercial correspondence, accounting, or bookkeeping." Instead, Gardella shows that, although the Chinese merchant lacked a full functional equivalent of double-entry bookkeeping, nonetheless in large Chinese retail businesses, such as the Ruifuxiang drygoods store in Beijing, a complex system of ledgers recording different categories of transactions was carefully maintained. Gardella believes that, even though these native Chinese practices in bookkeeping and accounting were displaced slowly during the twentieth century by Western accounting methods, the Chinese nonetheless already had in existence sound systems of bookkeeping and accounting that provided all of the information needed to successfully manage a large and complex capitalist enterprise.

Garon, Sheldon. "Rethinking Modernization and Modernity in Japanese History: A Focus on State-Society Relations." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (1994): 346-66.
SHELDON GARON seeks to revitalize modernization as a topic in modern Japanese history. He suggests modernization came into vogue as an approach to Japanese history that provided a means of positing a hopeful future for post-war Japan. According to its champions in the 1950s and 1960s (Reischauer, Jansen, Hall, Dore, et al.), Japan had started on the path of modernization in the Meiji and Taisho eras, but strayed under conservative reaction into the dark valley of totalitarianism in the 1930s and 1940s, only to reappear on the correct path following the Pacific War. This modernization school came under attack in the 1970s from scholars (Dower, Najita, Morley, et al.) who argued variously that modernization had obvious linkages with authoritarianism, deliberately overlooked class conflict, or produced declines in real freedom and social justice. Garon argues that historians cannot accept fully this revisionist position and now must reinstate modernization as an important category because it was a concept understood and embraced by the Japanese themselves. He gives examples of how conflict in Japanese cultural questions should be understood as arising out of competing notions of what is modern rather than from conservative reactions to liberal, progressive modernism. He concludes that modernization and modernity must number among the issues demanding serious study in the study of twentieth-century Japanese history.

Garon, Sheldon M. "The Imperial Bureaucracy and Labor Policy in Postwar Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (1984): 441-57.
Studies of twentieth-century Japanese politics have largely ignored the impressive continuities between the prewar and postwar periods. Most accounts of the Occupation emphasize external American initiatives while dealing with the established Japanese leadership in rather one-dimensional terms. This article focuses on a dynamic group of prewar Japanese bureaucrats who survived the Occupation purge to play a key role in the postwar government's controversial labor policies. As higher civil servants of the Home Ministry (and the Ministry of Welfare after 1938), they had been responsible for formulating a policy toward the interwar labor union movement that mixed social reform and control. The author describes the ways in which these "social bureaucrats" perpetuated themselves and their distinctive approach to social stability in the postwar era. Their influence continues not only in the postwar Ministry of Labor but, more surprisingly, within the highest ranks of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party.

George, Kenneth M. "Designs on Indonesia's Muslim Communities." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 3 (1998): 693-713.

Gillin, Donald G. "China's First Five-Year Plan: Industrialization Under the Warlords As Reflected in the Policies of Yen Hsi-Shan in Shansi Province, 1930-1937." Journal of Asian Studies 24, no. 2 (1965): 245-59.

———. "Portrait of a Warlord: Yen Hsi-Shan in Shansi Province, 1911-1930." Journal of Asian Studies 19, no. 3 (1960): 289-306.

Gilmartin, David. "Partition, Pakistan, and South Asian History: In Search of a Narrative." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 4 (1998): 1068-95.

Gladney, Dru C. "Muslim Tombs and Ethnic Folklore: Charters for Hui Identity (in Politics and Social Identity)." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (1987): 495-532.
Dru C. Gladney discusses differing ideas and emblems of identity among the Hui people, the largest Muslim minority in China. Focusing on the role of certain important tombs, he proposes that they are part of a dual system of dialectical relationships: the sociopolitical interethnic competition between Hui and Han for scarce resources and the hermeneutical struggle within Hui communities between Islamic ideals and social realities.

Gluck, Carol. "The People in History: Recent Trends in Japanese Historiography." Journal of Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (1978): 25-50.
In the 1960s a group of Japanese historians responded to the contemporary bureaucratic superstate by embarking on a search for a popular past. They began to reexamine Japan's modern experience from the point of view of the people, not the elite, and with special emphasis not on political events but on social forces and attitudes. They rejected Marxism and modernization theory as alien and limiting and sought instead an indigenous methodology that might better fit the Japanese case because it was derived from it. By choosing topics that suggested the importance of popular energies in the development of modern Japan, they endeavored to enlarge the canvas of social history by bringing the people into it as significant subjects of historical change. Their scholarly efforts have drawn the attention of Japanese within and without academic circles and, as this introductory critical essay suggests, may usefully draw that of Western readers as well.

Greenough, Paul R. "Indulgence and Abundance As Asian Peasant Values: A Bengali Case in Point (in Peasant Strategies in Asian Societies: Moral and Rational Economic Approaches--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 4 (1983): 831-50.
The author questions the assumptions of an "Asian school of scarcity and risk," of which James C. Scott is the principal exponent, using Bengali peasant history as a case in point. He argues that it is more likely that the subsistence traditions of Bengal derive from locally generated values of abundance and indulgence than from a universal "moral economy" and suggests that detailed accounts of subsistence traditions in other parts of Asia will confound attempts to prove that European experience is a reliable guide to Asian practices.

Gregor, A. James, and Maria Hsia Chang. "Nazionalfascismo and the Revolutionary Nationalism of Sun Yat-Sen." Journal of Asian Studies 39, no. 1 (1979): 21-37.
This article attempts an assessment of the putative similarities between generic fascism and the revolutionary nationalism of Sun Yat-sen. Whatever characteristics the two ideologies have in common can be traced to similarities between Sun's thought and pre-Fascist Italian Nationalism. The latter was only one of the elements that contributed to Italian Fascism. A distinction is then drawn between Sun's ideology and that of the Italian Nationalists by identifying the latter nationalism as "exacerbated." Further distinctions are attempted between such nationalisms and the mature ideology of Italian Fascism. Italian Fascism is viewed as a subspecies of revolutionary nationalism, while revolutionary nationalism itself is understood to include a relatively pacific and potentially democratic species and an exacerbated, potentially authoritarian one.

Gupta, Akhil. "The Political Economy of Post-Independence India--A Review Article ." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (1989): 787-97.
Akhil Gupta reviews five major books published on the Indian political economy during the past decade, critically evaluating their insights in four areas: theories of the state; the relation between state, regime, and party; policy formulation; and the implementation of state policies. He concludes that the scholars should pay greater attention to questions of gender, the subaltern, political discourse, and the lower levels of the political system.

Haggard, Stephan, Byung-kook Kim, and Chung-In Moon. "The Transition to Export-Led Growth in South Korea: 1954-1966." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (1991): 850-873.
In our fourth article, we also present insights from the political-economy approach to economic development. Stephan Haggard, Byung-Kook Kim, and Chung-in Moon analyze Korea's economic transition over a twelve-year period following the Korean War (1950-1953). They follow the standard wisdom that Korea moved from the industrialization strategy based on import-substitution to one based on export-oriented growth. However, they emphasize the politics of economy policy decisions and policy reform efforts. They conclude that in the South Korean case the decisions that produced export-led growth were a product of four factors: pressure from the United States, executive dominance, reform within the bureaucracy, and restructuring of the relations between the state and business. They believe that their findings provide the means for analyzing the politics of economic development in other parts of Asia as well.

Haithcox, John P. "The Roy-Lenin Debate on Colonial Policy: a New Interpretation." Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (1963): 93-101.

Hanley, Susan B., and Kozo Yamamura. "A Quiet Transformation in Tokugawa Economic History." Journal of Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (1970): 289-307.
This is a brief bibliographical essay which surveys the literature published in Japanese during the past decade on various aspects of the Tokugawa economy. The purpose of the essay is twofold: the first is to present an annotated bibliography of selected books and a list of relevant articles for the convenience of scholars interested in sources relating to economic changes in Tokugawa Japan. The second is to present in summary form what appears to the authors to be the newly emerging consensus in the interpretation of these changes. The emerging consensus is an acceptance of the hypothesis that the Tokugawa economy and its institutions steadily developed, resulting in a rise in the standard of living for most of the population during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. A majority of Japanese economic historians now seem to agree that the peasant class also benefitted from the economic growth, and numerous scholars through exacting case studies have produced evidence to show that agricultural productivity was rising faster than effective tax rates. Other research has documented the rapid development of economic institutions, including the market, credit mechanisms, and guilds. The old theme of stagnation and demise for the late Tokugawa economy has been discharged in favor of a new theme of continuous growth and development.

Hart, Gillian. "Agrarian Structure and the State in Java and Bangladesh." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (1998): 249-67.
Gillian Hart notes that efforts to explain the transformation of rural economy and society have typically invoked commercialization, technology, and demography as the main engines of agrarian change. She argues that evidence from regions of Java and Bangladesh with important demographic and technological similarities dramatizes the limitations of theories that neglect the structure and exercise of power at different levels of society. Using the profound contrasts between Java and Bangladesh in structures of state power and national accumulation, she suggests an alternative approach to the analysis of agrarian change.

Hartwell, Robert M. "Financial Expertise, Examinations, and the Formulation of Economic Policy in Northern Sung China." Journal of Asian Studies 30, no. 2 (1971): 281-314.
This paper is primarily concerned with the institutional framework of economic policy formulation in China during the Northern Sung dynasty (960-1126). During this period there evolved a professional financial service whose members had a direct influence on economic legislation either as incumbents in fiscal offices or as members of Imperial advisory organs. The financial specialist was seen as possessing a specific body of expertise--administrative ability, talent in mathematics, a knowledge of classical Chinese monetary theory and familiarity with the history of economic policy. These attributes were tested in the civil service recruitment examinations and used as criteria for the recommendation and assignment of men to fiscal posts. The resulting consistency and predictability in legislation was a significant aspect of material progress in eleventh century China. The article is based on an extensive analysis of biographical information contained in chronicles, dynastic histories, records of conduct, and funerary inscriptions, as well as extant copies of examination questions and answers and edicts of appointment contained in the collected papers of Northern Sung writers.

Haynes, Douglas E. "From Tribute to Philanthropy: The Politics of Gift Giving in a Western Indian City (in Giving in Asia--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 2 (1987): 339-60.
During the nineteenth century, South Asian businessmen began to engage in modern forms of philanthropy. Focusing on the western Indian city of Surat, this essay explores the emergence of philanthropic activity within the larger "portfolios" of gift giving held by indigenous merchants from roughly 1600 to 1924. Throughout this period, Hindu and Jain commercial magnates employed gifts as means both of building up their reputations (abru) within high-caste society and of fostering stable ties with political overlords. Local merchants continuously adjusted their charitable choices to changes in the ideology of these overlords as they sought to obtain influence with and honors from the ruling power. Involvement in philanthropy reflected a "negotiated" accommodation to Victorian values through which elite merchants maintained a relatively secure commercial and political environment in the context of late nineteenth-century British rule. When government policies seriously threatened their abru during World War I, however, local traders began to view donations to the Indian National Congress as an alternative method of conserving status and credit.

Hein, Laura E. "In Search of Peace and Democracy: Japanese Economic Debate in Political Context." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (1994): 752-78.
LAURA E. HEIN discusses the origins of Japanese postwar arguments for rapid economic growth. She believes these successful policies, now so studied and imitated, reflect more than choices between neoclassical or Marxist approaches to economic development, and, indeed, reflect deep political commitments of the postwar leadership in Japan. To make her point, Hein turns to the work of three economists-Arisawa Hiromi, Nakayama Ichiro, and Tsuru Shigeto-to show how certain of their concepts were incorporated into Japanese national economic policies even though none were members of the Liberal Democratic Party and they must be numbered among the government's critics. She finds that all three were committed to three key political principles: (1) the emperor would cease to be the fount of an expansionist, nationalist ideology; (2) Japan would have neither a large military nor a sizable defense sector in the economy; and (3) Japan would create economic democracy through establishing full employment and high wages to achieve a relatively even distribution of income. She argues that these concepts were appealing because they reversed the direction of policies that these men saw as having led Japan into the Pacific War, while building on potential strengths they saw in the Japanese system, including good economic planning by the government, excellent technological diffusion in society, and limited military capacity as enshrined in the 1947 constitution.

Hill, Hal. "ASEAN Economic Development: An Analytical Survey--The State of the Field." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (1994): 832-66.
In the first of a new series of "state-of-the-field" articles about Southeast Asia, HAL HILL documents the mechanics of rapid socioeconomic development in the six states that compose the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand). Hill concludes that Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand have exceptional records, while Indonesia's achievements are more modest; the Philippines are cast as the under-performing member within the group. Hill finds the outward-looking economic stance of the six states, which stops short of free trade, has been a vital factor and emphasizes the large but changing role that international trade and investment have played in the region's development over the past quarter century. In discussing the question of poverty, Hill concludes that in comparison with other regions, such as Latin America, the region's record on the incidence and reduction of poverty must be considered good. Overall, he does not find evidence that state intervention at the micro-level in the development process has been a major contributing factor, but does applaud ASEAN governments for their "resilience, flexibility, firmness, and pragmatism" in macroeconomic policy.

Hinton, Alexander Laban. "Why Did You Kill?: The Cambodian Genocide and the Dark Side of Face and Honor." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 1 (1998): 93-122.

Hirschman, Charles. "The Meaning and Measurement of Ethnicity in Malaysia: An Analysis of Census Classifications (in Politics and Social Identity)." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (1987): 555-82.
Charles Hirschman examines the census classifications of ethnicity or "race" in colonial Malaya and independent Malaysia as indicators of the changing meaning of ethnicity seen from the official or dominant political perspective. He offers a tentative interpretation that the diffusion of European racial ideology and changes in the political economy of the region were reflected in the nature of demographic statistics.

Hollerman, Leon. "International Economic Controls in Occupied Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (1979): 707-19.
The Supreme Command for the Allied Powers (SCAP) claimed credit for bringing democracy to Japan during the Occupation. With some exceptions, the predominant result of SCAP's activities in economic (as distinguished from political) affairs, was just the opposite. SCAP imposed comprehensive economic controls on Japan and suppressed the free market system. Its intervention was especially repressive on the international plane. Prior to mobilization for the Pacific War, Japan had never had a planned or controlled economy. As the occupation drew to a close, SCAP authorized the Diet to pass legislation for international economic controls to be employed by successor peacetime governments. An extensive Japanese government bureaucracy with a vested interest in the perpetuation of economic controls took charge of their implementation. The economic control laws, and the bureaucracy to which they gave rise, constituted an important part of SCAP's legacy to postwar Japan. This legacy became a primary conditioning factor in Japan's subsequent resistance to economic liberalization-a source of continuing friction in relations between the United States and Japan.

Holzman, Franklyn D. "The Tax System of Outer Mongolia, 1911-55: A Brief History." Journal of Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (1957): 221-36.

Hoston, Germaine A. "Marxism and National Socialism in Taisho Japan: The Thought of Takabatake Motoyuki." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 1 (1984): 43-64.

Takabatake Motoyuki was one of several prewar Japanese socialists who combined the Marxian ideal of proletarian socialism with nationalism. The first to produce a full Japanese translation of Karl Marx's Capital in 1919, Takabatake formulated a doctrine of national or state socialism that same year and dedicated the rest of his life to the promotion of that ideal. While Takabatake continued to call himself a Marxist, he criticized Marx's understanding of the state and drew on the work of Western political theorists such as Thomas Hobbes to construct his own functionalist interpretation of the state. Takabatake's work not only exposes some important lacunae in Marxist-Leninism, but his continued appeal to Marxism while embracing an ideology usually associated with the political Right defies analysis on the basis of conventional Left-Right distinctions. As his treatment of contemporary domestic and international problems demonstrates, both socialist and nationalist movements of this era constituted impassioned responses to social, economic, and political crises that were already apparent in the Taisho years.

———. "The State, Modernity, and the Fate of Liberalism in Prewar Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (1992): 287-316.
Germaine Hoston examines in pre-1937 Japan the inevitable conflict in any modernizing society between the integrative goals of the nation-state and the quest for personal, individual freedom. Her aim is to define more sharply the nature of liberalism in the period from the Meiji to the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1937. As categories against which she measures Japanese liberalism, she defines two different trends within Western liberalism: the classical, associated with J. S. Mill and Jeremy Bentham, and the progressive, associated with T. H. Green and J. A. Hobson. She believes the latter, which leads ultimately to endorsements of an activist state as a means to provide social welfare or bring social betterment to individuals, was more compatible to the Japanese. Hoston argues that there were never many classical liberals in Japan, and that most Japanese liberals rejected those elements of classical liberalism that do not valorize the state as a legitimate instrument for social change. Thus, liberalism prior to 1937 remained distinctively Japanese in character in that it was premised on a vision of individual freedom in the context of community and was repeatedly resolved, she concludes, "in favor of a commitment to the collectivity understood to be represented by an activist state.".

Howell, David L. "Proto-Industrial Origins of Japanese Capitalism." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (1992): 269-86.
David Howell uses proto-industrialism to explain the Japanese transition from the feudalism of the Tokugawa period to capitalism in the Meiji and later eras. Proto-industrialism, a concept borrowed from European economic history, refers to rural manufacturing for long-distance trade. Howell shows the Hokkaido herring fertilizer trade represents a good example of proto-industrialization in nineteenth-century Japan, where commercial production by a dispersed network of small contract-fishery operators employing some wage labor was transformed into a new capitalist mode in which large entrepreneurs came to dominate through the wage-labor systems and floating factory ships. Howell concludes that proto-industrialism in mid-nineteenth-century Japan suggests that Japan's economic success from the late nineteenth century onward is not simply the result of Meiji government policies, but reflects long-term economic changes underway in the Japanese economy during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Hsiao, Frank S. T., and Lawrence R. Sullivan. "A Political History of the Taiwanese Communist Party, 1928-1931." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 2 (1983): 269-89.
The Taiwanese Communist Party (TCP) was founded in April 1928 as a "Nationality Branch of the Japanese Communist Party" (JCP) by a small group of intellectuals trained in Japan and China. In its three years of existence, the small party confronted enormous difficulties in organizing a communist-led movement on the tightly controlled island. But the failure of the TCP to survive reflected more than just the efficiency of the Japanese police. Among the leadership of Xie Xuehong, Lin Rigao, Su Xin, and others, there was an incessant factionalism that was rooted in their own diverse political origins and in the often contradictory influence of Comintern, JCP, and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) policies. By 1931, the party was disbanded, but, in its two "Political Theses," the TCP had laid out a revolutionary strategy and a set of political goals that expressed the nationalistic aspirations of many of its leaders.

Hsu, Cho-Yun. "Early Chinese History: The State of the Field." Journal of Asian Studies 38, no. 3 (1979): 453-75.

Ike, Nobutaka. "The Pattern of Railway Development in Japan (in Symposium--The Patterns of Railway Development)." Journal of Asian Studies 14, no. 2 (1955): 217-29.

———. "Triumph of the Peace Party in Japan in 1873." Journal of Asian Studies 2, no. 3 (1943): 286-95.

Jager, Sheila Miyoshi. "Women, Resistance and the Divided Nation: The Romantic Rhetoric of Korean Reunification." Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 1 (1996): 3-21.
S. MIYOSHI JAGER explores the genealogy and constructs of South Korea's dissident reunification discourse by locating it in the broader context of chuch'eron (the doctrine of self-reliance) and the rhetoric developed in the colonial period. She argues that this discourse, as espoused by the current student movement, centers on the familiar figure of the idealized, virtuous woman. This idealization portrays a traditional (Confucian) image of woman as lonely or anguished because of her separation from loved ones, but always virtuous and steadfast in the face of tremendous adversity. The idealized image of woman as embodying the essential identity of Korean national culture was upheld to oppose division of the country and to prevent its contamination by "western" values. In developing a rhetorical stance against division, the "romantic rhetoric of Korean reunification" appropriated the "woman's question as a way of addressing the perceived crisis of Korean self-identity." Thus, nationalism and sexuality merged in the discourse of Korean reunification.

Jansen, Marius B. "II. Oi Kentaro: Radicalism and Chauvinism (in Problems of Political Power in Modern Japan A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies II, no. 3 (1952): 305-16.

Jeffrey, Robin. "Matriliny, Marxism, and the Birth of the Communist Party in Kerala, 1930-1940." Journal of Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (1978): 77-98.
Why has communism flourished in some parts of Asia and not in others? Examining the case of Kerala, this paper argues that, in India at least, social dislocation is the crucial ingredient when added to poverty, landlessness, and literacy. In Kerala, the matrilineal family system of caste-Hindus and the attendant system of extreme disabilities enforced against the low castes collapsed in the early twentieth century. The social upheaval was greater than anywhere else in India. A deracine generation of caste-Hindus was forced to seek remedies for the disruption and misery that daily confronted it, while increasing numbers of low castes refused to submit to the restrictions that traditional society sought to impose. This situation of social turmoil, similar in some ways to that prevailing in China and Vietnam, contributed crucially to the establishment of Kerala's vigorous, broad-based Communist party in the late 1930s.

Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod, Uday Singh Mehta, and Usha Thakkar. "The Rebirth of Shiv Sena: The Symbiosis of Discursive and Organizational Power (in Community Conflicts and the State in India: Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 2 (1997): 371-90.

Kaur, Amarjit. "The Impact of Railroads on The Malayan Economy, 1874-1941." Journal of Asian Studies 39, no. 4 (1980): 693-710.
The main contention of this essay is that railways in Malaya were constructed specifically to serve the tin and rubber industries which were dominated by Western capitalist enterprise. The railroads were concentrated in the west coast states, reinforcing the trend toward economic specialization that had already begun. The pattern of subsequent capital investment which was related to railroad development produced wide regional inequalities. It gave rise to a spatial dualism that was most evident in the emergence of export-oriented enclaves and the associated infrastructure in the western states, leaving the eastern states outside the mainstream of capitalist development. The railways did not stimulate well-rounded economic development in the country because they had little or no multiplier effect on the local economy. The benefits of railroad construction accrued largely to the British economy. I seek to make clear the links between railway development in Malaya, the emergence of an extractive-colonial economy heavily specialized in tin and rubber, and the incorporation of the country into the international capitalist system.

Kerkvliet, Benedict J. Tria. "Village-State Relations in Vietnam: The Effect of Everyday Politics on Decollectivization." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (1995): 396-418.
Why, since 1988, has the Vietnamese government reversed its commitment to collective farming and permitted the revival of family farming? BENEDICT KERKVLIET rejects the obvious explanation-that reversal followed naturally from the post-1986 policy of reform (d oi-moi) or that it merely mimicked Chinese policies. He proposes, as an alternative, that the Vietnamese government has responded with various kinds of accommodations since the mid-1970s to growing popular discontent with its agricultural policies. Borrowing a concept from Brantly Womack, Kerkvliet suggests that Communist parties must be "mass-regarding" both to establish their rule and to maintain it. He links this idea with James Scott's emphasis on the power of everyday peasant resistance to conclude that the Vietnamese Communist Party was responding to popular pressure from below. Thus, Kerkvliet finds that standard characterizations that represent the current regime in Vietnam as a "dominating state" or one that rules through "mobilization authoritarianism" overlook the existence of strong local social pressures that have the capacity for low-level resistance to government policy. Moreover, such characterizations also do not take into account that the Vietnamese state has displayed a long-term concern with ensuring that its policies are acceptable among the peasantry.

Keyes, Charles F. "Economic Action and Buddhist Morality in a Thai Village (in Peasant Strategies in Asian Societies: Moral and Rational Economic Approaches--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 4 (1983): 851-68.
Although the Thai-Lao peasants living in rain-fed agricultural communities in northeastern Thailand have experienced some improvements in their socioeconomic situation as a consequence of the growth of the Thai economy since the mid-1950s, these peasants still constitute the poorest sector of the population of Thailand. Moreover, the socioeconomic position of the rural northeastern Thai populace has actually declined relative to that of the urban populace and that of the rural populace living in central Thailand. The economic disadvantageous position of Thai-Lao peasants is linked with a sense of being an ethnoregional minority within a polity that has been highly centralized since reforms instituted at the end of the nineteenth century. Much of the social action of Thai-Lao peasants with reference to the political-economic constraints on their world can be understood, as long-term research in one community reveals, as having been impelled by rational calculation aimed at improving the well being of peasant families. The ways in which peasants have assessed in practice the justice of these constraints as well as the ways in which they have assessed the limits to entrepreneurship must be seen, however, as being rooted in moral premises that Thai-Lao villagers have appropriated from Theravada Buddhism as known to them in their popular culture.

———. "Introduction (in Peasant Strategies in Asian Societies: Moral and Rational Economic Approaches--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 4 (1983): 753-68.
This introduction considers the issues raised in the debate, recently joined in the works of James Scott and Samuel Popkin and explored in the papers in this symposium, regarding the relative salience of moral and rational economic approaches to the study of the adaptation of peasantries to worlds transformed by their incorporation into modern states and into a global economy. The author offers a refiguration of theoretical assumptions, arguing that, in order to understand the variations in modes of adaptation that have been described in the symposium, it is necessary to assume that the constraints on the worlds of peasants generated by political-economic changes are made meaningful for social action not only in terms of instrumental rationality, but also with reference to culturally distinctive moral premises.

Kinmonth, Earl H. "Fukuzawa Reconsidered: Gakumon No Susume and Its Audience." Journal of Asian Studies 37, no. 4 (1978): 677-96.

Kirby, William C. "China Unincorporated: Company Law and Business Enterprise in Twentieth- Century China (in Coping With Shanghai: Means to Survival and Success in the Early Twentieth Century--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (1995): 43-63.
WILLIAM KIRBY directly deals with forms of business organization in Shanghai. He begins with evidence of Chinese unwillingness to take up the limited liability concept of ownership, and then argues that Chinese patterns of business organization favored family-style partnerships with unlimited liability. Thus, Western-style joint stock companies never really caught on among the Chinese in Shanghai and elsewhere as a means of doing business. Kirby argues that it was only the new Nationalist government after 1928 that showed a preference for company organization, but for the Nationalist state the company was a means not for fostering wealth and independence for businessmen but, rather, quite the opposite: a means to achieve a state domination of the business and industrial sectors.

Klein, Ira. "Death in India, 1871-1921." Journal of Asian Studies 32, no. 4 (1973): 639-59.
Historians frequently have assumed that India's economic progress was held back in the late nineteenth century by a massive growth in population. India actually had a relatively low rate of population expansion until the 1920's. The birth rate was among the world's largest, but the death rate was extremely high also, and mortality rates increased between 1871 and 1921. Death was class-oriented; poor and lower-caste Indians succumbed in far greater proportions than did prosperous Hindus, Muslims, Parsees or Europeans. The economic, social, and environmental changes associated with modernization appear initially to have facilitated the spread of epidemics and the increase in death rates. Irrigation canals often caused water-logging of the soil and stimulated malaria. Railways, roads, and river embankments disrupted natural water flows and furthered dysentery, cholera, and malaria. Urban crowding and poor city planning helped promote plague, tuberculosis, and other diseases. Since high mortality rates were linked to a considerable extent with economic conditions, slow population growth should be viewed more as a reflection than a cause of India's lack of dramatic economic progress.

Kolenda, Pauline Mahar. "Religious Anxiety and Hindu Fate." Journal of Asian Studies 23 (1964): 71-81.

Kublin, Hyman. "A Bibliography of the Writings of Sen Katayama in Western Languages." Journal of Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (1951): 71-77.

Large, Stephen S. "The Japanese Labor Movement, 1912-1919: Suzuki Bunji and the Yuaikai." Journal of Asian Studies 29, no. 3 (1970): 559-79.
The Yuaikai (Friendly Society) was the only large, national labor organization in 1912-1919 Japan. Its founder, Suzuky Bunji, an intellectual and Christian humanist, believed that cooperation between labor and management was the key to developing the Yuaikai into a true labor union movement in a day when organized labor was held in suspicion. Accordingly, Suzuki organized the Yuaikai workers into potential unions and tried to persuade business and government to accept a moderate union movement. Suzuki's gradualist tactice resulted in expansion of the Yuaikai. By 1917, after two trips to the United States, Suzuki had become the symbol of Japanese organized labor at home and abroad. But Suzuki's moderate approach to reform was jolted by repression of the Yuaikai in 1917-1918 by business and government and his moderate leadership in the Yuaikai was challenged by militant workers who resented intellectual domination of their movement and by radical university graduates who sought to turn the Yuaikai into a revolutionary organization. These two groups conspired to turn the Yuaikai into the relatively militant Sodomei (General Federation) in 1919 and to reduce Suzuki's power in the movement but their revalry for power greatly undermined the capacity of the Sodomei to build further on the institutional foundations laid for organized labor by Suzuki Bunji.

———. "Nishio Suehiro and the Japanese Social Democratic Movement, 1920-1940." Journal of Asian Studies 36, no. 1 (1976): 37-56.

Lasker, Bruno. "The Shadow of Unfreedom." Journal of Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (1945): 127-34.

Lebra, Joyce Chapman. "Okuma Shigenobu and the 1881 Political Crisis." Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 4 (1959): 475-87.

Lee, James. "Food Supply and Population Growth in Southwest China, 1250-1850." Journal of Asian Studies 41, no. 4 (1982): 711-46.
Between 1250 and 1850 the population of Southwest China increased from 3 to 20 million people. In this essay, the author delineates two periods of population growth--a small one from 1250 to 1600 and a large one from 1700 to 1850--and relates their spatial and temporal characteristics to agricultural production. His conclusions challenge the popular assumption that frontier populations in China grew because of improved agricultural techniques or increased arable land. In the Southwest, between 1250 and 1600, population doubled because of the government investment in agriculture, but, between 1700 and 1850, population quadrupled because of the development of local mining industry. In Qing China, as elsewhere in the early modern world, major increases in population were often a consequence of early industrialization.

Lee, Tahirih V. "Introduction (in Coping With Shanghai: Means to Survival and Success in the Early Twentieth Century--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (1995): 3-18.
In her introduction to this special issue on Shanghai in the years before the Japanese invasion of 1937, TAHIRIH LEE discusses several strategies for survival and success. She begins by showing how the law, which is so strongly linked with protection of individual rights and interests in Western conceptions of modern society, did not become a means of protecting the individual in Shanghai, but rather was used as a means to protect collective or corporate interests. She also draws our attention to the limited ability of the national state to control local politics and society in Shanghai and the continuing importance of informal networks in making things happen in all aspects of urban life. She concludes that the competing forces at work in Shanghai left space for new notions of individualism while reshaping collective interests but never produced a strong public sphere.

Levine, Norman. "The Myth of the Asiatic Restoration." Journal of Asian Studies 37, no. 1 (1977): 73-85.

Levine, Soloman B. "Management and Industrial Relations in Postwar Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (1955): 57-75.

Liddle, R. William. "The Islamic Turn in Indonesia: A Political Explanation." Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 3 (1996): 613-34.

Lim, Youngil. "Foreign Influence on the Economic Change in Korea: A Survey." Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (1968): 77-99.

Liu, K. C. "Introduction (in New Views of Ch'Ing History: A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 26, no. 2 (1967): 185-87.

Liu, Kwang-Ching. "World View and Peasant Rebellion: Reflections on Post-Mao Historiography." Journal of Asian Studies 40, no. 2 (1981): 295-326.
This article is based on academic journals published in the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 1978 to early 1980 and analyzes the trend in post-Mao historiography regarding peasant rebellions. Previous belief in the revolutionary nature of peasant rebellions is being reversed, and their "anti-feudal" character being questioned. The question now is whether peasant rebellions, or even class struggle itself, constitute an important motive force for progress in Chinese history. Conflicting views persist, but overall a more negative view of peasant behavior has led many PRC writers to view the small producers' "patriarchy," which fosters hierarchy and particularism, as a source of current bureaucratic problems.

Lockwood, William W. "Adam Smith and Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 3 (1964): 345-55.

Lutz, Jessie G. "The Chinese Student Movement of 1945-1949." Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (1971): 89-110.
The Chinese student movement of 1945-1949 provides insights into student movements in general as well as the distinctive Chinese tradition of student activism. While the conflict of generations might help politicize youth, nationalist issues activated Chinese students. Failure to defend China's sovereignty or to lead her in modernizing undercut the fathers' right to speak for China. The anti-imperialist emphasis of Chinese nationalism and the acceptance of the state as modernizing instrument indicate why Chinese student movements often coincided with foreign threats and benefitted the Chinese Communist Party. Two student campaigns during 1945-1949 illustrate their role in the conflict between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang; they brought into question the legitimacy of Kuomintang rule and contributed to the acceptance of communist leadership. They exemplified and accelerated the polarization of Chinese intellectuals. Students moved in 1946 from specific protests directed to the Kuomintang as legitimate authority to confrontation politics designed to undermine the regime in 1948. Increasingly, the Kuomintang and its American ally were pictured as a threat to the continued existence of one Chinese nation. By 1948 anti-Americanism was a dominant theme in Chinese nationalism. Both the Chinese tradition of student activism and the anti-American emphasis of Chinese nationalism have survived the revolution of 1949.

Lysa, Hong. "Of Consorts and Harlots in Thai Popular History." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 2 (1998): 333-53.

Malik, Hafeez. "The Marxist Literary Movement in India and Pakistan." Journal of Asian Studies 26, no. 4 (1967): 649-64.

Marr, David. "The 1920s Women's Rights Debates in Vietnam." Journal of Asian Studies 35, no. 3 (1976): 371-89.

Mast III, Herman, and William G. Saywell. "Revolution Out of Tradition: The Political Ideology of Tai Chi-t'Ao." Journal of Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (1974): 73-98.

Mayer, Peter B. "Tombs and Dark Houses: Ideology, Intellectuals, and Proletarians in the Study of Contemporary Indian Islam." Journal of Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (1981): 481-502.
Each upsurge of Hindu-Muslim tension in India brings in its wake scholarly and journalistic articles that highlight the frustrations of Indian Muslims and that raise serious questions about their commitment to India's secular democracy. The philosophical and empirical bases of these accounts are challenged by findings that suggest that region, poverty, illiteracy, and the working-class position of Indian Muslims are more significant in shaping their political outlook than religion. In contrast with the "orientalist" orthodoxy, this study finds the views of Indian Muslims to be diverse, complex, and well-integrated into the political perspectives of the linguistic regions in which they reside.

McCormick, Barrett L., and David Kelly. "The Limits of Anti-Liberalism." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (1994): 804-31.
In a strong rebuttal of the idea that Chinese culture is uniquely inhospitable to liberalism, BARRETT L. MCCORMICK and DAVID KELLY argue that a growing basis for liberalism exists in the People's Republic of China. They argue that the Chinese, like the Eastern Europeans, are rational actors who understand that liberalism has a practical value in that it can create a space in which "civil society" provides protection against unfettered authoritarianism. Thus, liberalism-meaning some kind of institutionalized political and social freedom-is linked with prosperity and stability and is seen as in both individual and collective best interests. Consequently, in spite of the legacies of imperial rule, the patriarchal Chinese family, as well as the authoritarian nature of the current Leninist party and state, McCormick and Kelly, who reject the premise that liberalism is relevant only to Western societies, find "liberalism retains a strong presence in China and by most estimates has gained currency in China throughout the 1980s and 1990s." They dismiss recurring official campaigns against liberalism as largely ineffective and believe that those Chinese who advocated "new authoritarianism" in the 1980s, along with those in the 1990s who favor "new conservatism," only reveal that the battle for liberalism is not yet decided.

McDermott, Joseph P. "Bondservants in the T'Ai-Hu Basin During the Late Ming: A Case of Mistaken Identities." Journal of Asian Studies 40, no. 4 (1981): 675-701.
This paper attempts to redefine the nature and conditions of bondservants in the late Ming, particularly in the highly productive T'ai-hu basin. It proposes that the great economic and social differences among bondservants obliges us to treat bondservitude as a legal status, not as a class. It discusses the many causes of bondservitude and its highly varied conditions. Agricultural bondservants accounted for no more than one-fifth of the rural population and usually had to pay rent and perform specific manual duties for their master. Bondservant managers are seen to have acquired far more wealth and power than their legal status would suggest and, along with other "brazen servants," participated in the bondservant uprisings in the T'ai-hu basin during the late Ming and early Ch'ing.

McNamara, Dennis. "The Keisho and the Korean Business Elite." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 2 (1989): 310-323.
To understand the pattern of business-state relations in colonial Korea, Dennis McNamara looks at the role of the Keijo Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Keisho). He finds that this organization reinforced the development strategies set forth by the colonial administration and private enterprise. It also acted as a nexus for Korean business ties between state officials and Japanese private enterprise and helped to shape the patterns of postwar business relations.

Metzger, Thomas A. "The Sociological Imagination in China: Comments on the Thought of Chin Yao- Chi (Ambrose Y. C. King)." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 4 (1993): 937-48.
THOMAS METZGER's review article looks at the sociologist Chin Yao-chi (Ambrose Y. C. King) as a major Chinese social science thinker and attempts to place Chin within the context of recent Chinese intellectual history. Metzger sets forth his own list of four essential qualities within modern Chinese thought: (1) a utopian desire for an open society largely free of selfish impulses; (2) an emphasis on reason (li-hsing), both as a capacity inherent in all humankind regardless of culture and one which lies within our intellectual and moral grasp; (3) a sense of "epistemological optimism" about the teleological nature of history; and (4) a conviction that intellectuals as a social class have a role in discovering the system and embodying reason for the benefit of all. Metzger believes that Chin's work avoids some of the pitfalls of utopianism and a superior role for intellectuals, but otherwise reflects common elements of the modern Chinese intellectual milieu. Metzger's main point, however, is that Chin's work has been so shaped by these common Chinese assumptions that he stands quite distinct from the dominant trends in recent American approaches to Chinese society-the rational choice and cultural relativist schools-and thus represents an alternative to American scholarship on China.

Milner Jr., Murray. "Hindu Eschatology and the Indian Caste System: An Example of Structural Reversal." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 2 (1993): 298-319.
Murray Milner, Jr., employs formal sociological methodology to draw a connection-an "elective affinity," in Weber's terms-between the principles governing the Hindu social structure and Hindu eschatology. Not only does Hinduism embody a structured inequality in its assumptions about people in this life, but, he argues, it contains a similar inequality in describing its positions about the world-to-come. Specifically, he argues that the three key eschatological concepts in Hinduism-samsara, karma, and moksa-should be seen as structural reversals of the restrictions imposed on individuals by the caste system. So, samsara-an individual's repeated reincarnation into new lives-can be seen as promising endless social mobility in a society where opportunities for such movement are severely limited by the caste system. Milner is adding Levi-Strauss's notions of structuralism and reversal to Weberian sociological analysis. Milner rejects the idea that such structural reversals need be compensatory. Indeed, he raises doubts about what the direction of causation may be between religious ideas and the social system. He concludes we do not know the direction of causation in the case of Hindu religion and society and thus cannot determine how these reversals were produced.

Miyakawa, Hisayuki. "An Outline of the Naito Hypothesis and Its Effects on Japanese Studies of China." Journal of Asian Studies 14, no. 4 (1955): 533-52.

Mo-Jo, Kuo, and Josiah W. Bennet. "A Poet With the Northern Expedition." Journal of Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (1944): 144-71.

Morris, David. "The Problem of the Peasant Agriculturist in Meiji Japan, 1873-1885." Journal of Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (1956): 357-70.

Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. "The Invention and Reinvention of "Japanese Culture"." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (1995): 759-80.
TESSA MORRIS-SUZUKI discusses how Japanese intellectuals have attempted to define Japanese culture by tracing the genealogy of the notion of culture (bunka) particularly as utilized by anthropologists, ethnographers, and others. The author's premise is that present-day interest in culture reflects both a desire to establish a worldview distinct from the dominant positivist Western modes of thought as well as efforts to protect against the transformative power of those positivist Western ideas manifested in the "increasing penetration of science and technology." By locating the concept of culture in its historical context, she shows how the concern over culture became increasingly colored by nationalistic concerns in the interwar years, leading to its emergence as a "key concept in theories of Japanese uniqueness." To what extent this history continues to influence current thinking about culture generally and "Japanese culture" specifically is evident in contemporary debates about its meaning and about the place of an increasingly powerful Japan in the modern world. The essays by Lin, Rosemont, and Ames and by Morris-Suzuki can be read in tandem not only because they address the growing preoccupation with cultural identity in Asia but also because they argue for the powerful role that culture plays in history. Readers may also wish to consider these essays as part of an ongoing discussion in the Journal about culture and identity, and power and knowledge, expressed most recently in the February 1994 Symposium on "Dimensions of Ethnic and Cultural Nationalism in Asia" (53, 1) and in the May 1995 article by Craig Reynolds on "A New Look at Old Southeast Asia" (54, 2).

Myers, Ramon H. "Themes in the Socioeconomic History of China, 1840-1949--A Review Article
(The Modern Chinese Economy: The Late Ch'Ing Period to the End of the Nanking Regime, 1840-1949.)." Journal of Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (1984): 459-73.
This article discusses two collections (seventy-seven titles) of reprints edited by Ramon H. Myers. He does not provide an interpretative essay for either collection; his choices for inclusion are reviewed in terms of the opinions that he has expressed in a textbook and in other works. The choices reveal that Myers, along with other specialists, views 1895 to 1937 as a key period in which the old socioeconomic order disintegrated and a new order took shape. Scholarly interest concerning those years has focused on the nature of the agrarian crisis, the impact of foreign trade and investment, the contribution of the Chinese bourgeoisie, and the role of the new Nationalist government. The author discusses the views of Myers and others on these topics, and, in addition, the author points out that these collections suggest that another topic--the expanded control of foreign governments over the economic affairs of the Chinese state--is worthy of investigation.

Nash, Manning. "Southeast Asian Society: Dual or Multiple (in Southeast Asian Society: Dual or Multiple)." Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 3 (1964): 417-723.

Nee, Victor, and Su Sijin. "Institutional Change and Economic Growth in China: The View From the Villages." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (1990): 3-25.
In the opening article, Victor Nee and Su Sijin examine the institutional transformation of Chinese agriculture in recent years to determine whether rural reforms have promoted an increase in per capita income. Relying both on secondary literature and on a new body of data, derived from extensive surveys conducted in Fujian villages, they conclude that conditions are indeed favorable for economic growth and that access to urban markets is a decisive determinant.

Nelson, John K. "Warden + Virtuoso + Salaryman = Priest: Paradigms Within Japanese Shinto for Religious Specialists and Institutions." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 3 (1997): 678-707.

Nicolaevsky, B. "Russia, Japan, and the Pan-Asiatic Movement to 1925." Journal of Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (1949): 259-95.

Notar, Ernest J. "Japan's Wartime Labor Policy: A Search for Method." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (1985): 311-28.
The industrial Patriotic Movement (Sampo) symbolized the suppression of labor unions in prewar Japan, but it also shaped the development of Japan's postwar system of industrial relations. When first launched by officials of the Home Ministry in 1938, Sampo was intended to be a constructive reform movement for reducing conflict and for maintaining an efficient labor market. With the support of the police and of some labor leaders, Sampo encouraged formation of factory committees with elected worker representatives for negotiating wages and working conditions. The resistance of business leaders led to the assertion of direct bureaucratic control over the movement, and with army interference in civil administration after 1940, Sampo eventually led to the suppression of unions. Nevertheless, the foundations were laid for the spread of enterprise unionism on a national scale in the postwar era even under military rule.

Paauw, Douglas S. "The Kuomintang and Economic Stagnation, 1928-37." Journal of Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (1957): 213-20.

Paige, Glenn D. "A Survey of Soviet Publications on Korea, 1950-56." Journal of Asian Studies 17, no. 4 (1958): 579-94.

Pan, Ming-te. "Rural Credit in Ming-Qing Jiangnan and the Concept of Peasant Petty Commodity Production." Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 1 (1996): 94-117.
MING-TE PAN contends that accounts of rural credit in China which only see it as exploitative "usury" and only for purposes of consumption are mistaken. Drawing on evidence from seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jiangnan, he argues that peasant producers profitably used credit as sources of capital for investment in silk production, thereby improving their incomes through the use of such loans. The author offers a wealth of data regarding rice and silk production to make his case, as well as a fascinating case study of a hypothetical household economy to illustrate the workings of a peasant household in a subsistence economy. The availability of credit, he concludes, was a positive benefit to peasant producers, notwithstanding the fact that interest rates were extremely high by modern standards.

Parish, Jr. William L. "Socialism and the Chinese Peasant Family." Journal of Asian Studies 34, no. 3 (1975): 613-30.

Perkins, Dwight H. "Research on the Economy of the People's Republic of China: A Survey of the Field." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 2 (1983): 345-72.
For nearly two decades, study of the Chinese economy involved constructing pictures of broad macro trends from extremely limited data painstakingly obtained. Given the quantity and quality of data available, a majority of analysts came surprisingly close to the mark in explaining what happened. A few economists attempted to deny that any economic progress had occurred, while there were others who painted a picture approaching utopia, but these were always in the minority. When China began to open up in the late 1970s and data were once again systematically published, there were some surprises, but much of that written before the opening remained valid. If economists did a reasonably good job of explaining what happened, however, they did much less well explaining why.

Pollock, Sheldon. "The Cosmopolitan Vernacular." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 1 (1998): 6-37.

Price, Pamela. "Revolution and Rank in Tamil Nationalism." Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 2 (1996): 359-83.
PAMELA PRICE explores the culture of Tamil nationalism that has developed around the key ideas of revolution and rank. She traces this culture back to the Dravidian movement whose roots date back to the nineteenth century. Centered both on creating a cultural revolution and on protecting Tamil interests against those of the central government, this movement developed a mass base between 1949 and 1967. Its political party, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), as the author's fieldwork in Madurai District reveals, penetrated rural society deeply through its propaganda and organization. Its radical and novel notions of personhood and honor (manam) fired the imagination of especially young men who responded favorably to its ideology connecting "existential issues of personal value and political meaning and the new nation which was envisioned." After the party came to power in Madras in 1967, however, earlier notions of status and rank gave way to a different conception of honor, one that privileged a new hierarchical order centered on the power and authority of an individual political leader. Not surprisingly, personality cults, focusing on the chief ministers of Tamilnadu, have emerged in recent decades.

Pyle, Kenneth B. "Introduction: Some Recent Approaches to Japanese Nationalism (in A Symposium on Japanese Nationalism)." Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (1971): 5-16.
Modern nationalism results from a process by which large numbers of people of all social classes come to identify with the interests of the nation-state. Study of how this process unfolded in modern Japan has been characterized by emphasis on the following factors: 1) diffusion of nationalist ideas; 2) the structure of traditional social groups; 3) growth of communications and the impact of the international environment; 4) the role of elites in awakening national consciousness; 5) social discontent and anomie; 6) traditional cultural symbols and patterns. An effort to integrate these different approaches is required for an adequate understanding of Japanese nationalism.

———. "The Technology of Japanese Nationalism: The Local Improvement Movement, 1900-1918." Journal of Asian Studies 33, no. 1 (1973): 51-65.
This paper emphasizes the role of political ideas and initiatives as a significant aspect in minimizing the repercussions of industrialization. Owing to their study of the Western experience, Home Ministry bureaucrats were devising techniques that sought both to promote economic development and to cope with its political consequences. They hoped thereby to absorb new groups into the political community and to avoid disruptions that would destroy the social consensus upon which economic development depended.

Rana, A. P. "The Intellectual Dimensions of India's Nonalignment." Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (1969): 299-312.

Rawski, Evelyn S. "Research Themes in Ming-Qing Socioeconomic History--The State of the Field." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (1991): 84-111.

Ray, Hemen. "Changing Soviet Views on Mahatma Gandhi." Journal of Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (1969): 85-106.
In Lenin's lifetime the Bolsheviks considered Gandhi as a progressive leader who had turned the Indian National Congress into a genuinely mass political movement agitating for independence of India. This view underwent a change after Lenin's death in 1924. Under Stalin the Bolsheviks and the Comintern adopted a harsh policy toward Gandhi claiming that he had ceased to be a progressive leader and his philosophy had become a "reactionary form of social life." Indian Communists were asked to unmask Gandhi's "reactionary" policy. This view of Gandhi and Gandhism prevailed until 1939 when Stalin advocated a united front between the Indian CP and the Indian National Congress. For awhile, Gandhi returned to the Soviet favor. Soon after second World War, the Soviet scholars resumed their criticism of Gandhi and his philosophy. They assailed him as a "demagogue" and a "principal traitor" in India's independence movement and his philosophy as an "avowed national ideology of the Indian capitalists and landowners." Even after his assassination in 1948 the Soviets continued to assail Gandhi. But in 1955 when the post-Stalin leaders decided to flatter India, the Soviet scholars were forced to change their views. They now stressed Gandhi's historical role in India's independence movement and also emphasized his socialist ideas as a valuable Sinstrument for Soviet Communism in India.

Reynolds, Craig J. "A New Look at Old Southeast Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (1995): 419-46.
In an article commissioned by the Southeast Asia Council, CRAIG REYNOLDS takes up F. R. Ankersmith's exhortation that the "time has come that we should think about the past, rather than investigate it." His interest therefore is to assess approaches, paradigms, and models rather than merely to offer a conventional historiographical survey of the literature on early Southeast Asia. His line of inquiry enables him to locate a gap between European-language historiography produced particularly by Western scholars and the indigenous historiographies generated particularly in older versions. Much of his discussion is concerned with establishing the extent to which the Western discourse is constructed around a search for "origins," "agency," and "difference." These emphases he relates to a preoccupation with validating Southeast Asia as a region and field of study, an enterprise that he identifies as a Western postcolonial project. The "motivation to authenticate Southeast Asia as a region and field of study," he avers, "is connected to modern contemporary anxieties about authenticity." In other words, he argues that historians of early Southeast Asia operate within research parameters defined by the same themes and polemics that preoccupy historians of more modern periods. Thus, his essay aims at questioning the project of authenticating Southeast Asia.

Reynolds, Craig J, and Hong Lysa. "Marxism in Thai Historical Studies." Journal of Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (1983): 77-104.
Analyses of Thai political economy since World War II have sought to define the stages of Thai social evolution from earliest times to the present and to determine whether or not the Bowring Treaty of 1855 and the 1932 coup mark changes in the social formation and/or the mode of production. Over the past decade, as a consequence of political change in the mid-1970s, a new generation of historians has rejuvenated Marxist methodology, using it to pry the chronicles and archives away from royalist and nationalist myth-making concerns, to dismantle the court-centered historiography, and to erect a new historical paradigm for the late twentieth century.

Rice, Richard. "Economic Mobilization in Wartime Japan: Business, Bureaucracy, and Military in Conflict." Journal of Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (1979): 689-706.
Most studies of wartime Japan have assumed a close and complementary relationship between business and the military. This essay challenges this view by examining the complexities and tensions of wartime institutional dynamics. The lack of a monolithic industrial and political structure hindered efficient economic mobilization. This can be seen in the industrial control associations (kogyo tosei kai), which were intended to be the most important link between military, government, and business after 1941. Their organization and functioning reveals a three-way administrative struggle between business, military, and bureaucracy. All three power groups were internally divided over both the formulation and the implementation of policy. Japan, the epitome of government-business cooperation in the postwar era, was surprisingly divided during the war.

Roberts, Michael. "For Humanity. For the Sinhalese. Dharmapala As Crusading Bosat." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 4 (1997): 1006-32.

———. "Problems of Social Stratification and the Demarcation of National and Local Elites in British Ceylon." Journal of Asian Studies 33, no. 4 (1974): 549-77.

Rozman, Gilbert. "Soviet Reinterpretations of Chinese Social History: The Search for the Origins of Maoism." Journal of Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (1974): 49-72.

Rubinstein, Alvin Z. "Selected Bibliography of Soviet Works on Southern Asia, 1954-56." Journal of Asian Studies 17, no. 1 (1957): 43-54.

Rudolph, Lloyd I. "Urban Life and Populist Radicalism: Dravidian Politics in Madras (in Urban Politics in a Plural Society: A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 20, no. 3 (1961): 283-97.

Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber. "Presidential Address: State Formation in Asia--Prolegomenon to a Comparative Study." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (1987): 731-46.
The topics that the articles in this issue discuss range from local organization in medieval South India to films about village life in contemporary North China. Their variety is appropriate to the theme of Susanne Hoeber Rudolph's presidential address--comparison. Rudolph proposes that students of Asia develop an integral comparative approach, which would use the particularities of individual societies to build generalizations about them all. She further proposes not the imposition of ready-made comparative formulas derived from studies of the West but a combination of their demystified rationalist worldview with the Asian phenomenology of the symbolic.

Ryan, Bryce. "Status, Achievement, and Education in Ceylon." Journal of Asian Studies 20, no. 4 (1961): 463-76.

Sakata, Yoshio, and John Whitney Hall. "The Motivation of Political Leadership in the Meiji Restoration." Journal of Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (1956): 31-50.

Sangren, P. Steven. "Traditional Chinese Corporations: Beyond Kinship." Journal of Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (1984): 391-415.
Emphasis on descent and kinship in analysis of traditional Chinese corporations, a legacy of structural-functional theory, mistakes the analyst's theoretical categories for native culture. In this paper, the author attempts to sort out some of the resulting conceptual muddles, and he proposes a more rigorous analytical framework for discussing the range of organizational variation in traditional Chinese corporations. Analysis of ten representative cases from Ta-ch'i, Taiwan, reveals greater flexibility of corporate form and function than structural-functional theories would predict. Close attention to the cases also reveals the absence of any compelling reason to treat the "Chinese lineage" as analytically or culturally distinct from the entire range of Chinese formal associations (hui). To understand what is uniquely Chinese in Chinese corporations, past emphasis on differences in formal group-membership requirements must be complemented by attention to the cultural values and norms of operation that transcend such differences.

Scalapino, Robert A. "The Evolution of a Young Revolutionary--Mao Zedong in 1919-1921." Journal of Asian Studies 42, no. 1 (1982): 29-61.
The years from 1919 through 1921 represent a period of major change in the political views of Mao. At the outset, he was attracted to anarchism and liberalism. At the end, he was prepared to espouse Marxism-Leninism, not because he had encompassed its doctrines, but because he had been persuaded that it represented a technique for successful revolution. In these years, Mao began as a strong Han nationalist but later denounced Chinese "imperialism" and argued for a Hunan nation. A few months later, he was espousing internationalism. Underlying these changes was the alternate hope and despair that Mao felt for China as a nation. A deep-rooted Chineseness and a penchant for political activism characterized Mao throughout this and succeeding eras.

Scalapino, Robert A., and Chong-Sik Lee. "The Origins of the Korean Communist Movement (II)." Journal of Asian Studies 20, no. 2 (1961): 149-67.

Scalapino, Robert A., and Harold Schiffrin. "Early Socialist Currents in the Chinese Revolutionary Movement: Sun Yat-Sen Versus Liang Ch`i-Ch`Ao." Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (1959): 321-42.

Scalpino, Robert A, and Chong-Sik Lee. "The Origins of the Korean Communist Movement (I)." Journal of Asian Studies 20, no. 1 (1960): 9-31.

Schiffrin, Harold. "Sun Yat-Sen's Early Land Policy: The Origin and Meaning of "Equalization of Land Rights"." Journal of Asian Studies 16, no. 4 (1957): 549-64.

Schurmann, H. F. "Traditional Property Concepts in China." Journal of Asian Studies 15, no. 4 (1956): 507-16.

Schwartz, Benjamin. "A Marxist Controversy on China." Journal of Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (1954): 143-53.

Schwartz, Benjamin I. "Presidential Address: Area Studies As a Critical Discipline." Journal of Asian Studies 40, no. 1 (1980): 15-25.

Sidel, John T. "Philippine Politics in Town, District, and Province: Bossism in Cavite and Cebu." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 4 (1997): 947-66.

Silverberg, Miriam. "Constructing the Japanese Ethnography of Modernity." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (1992): 30-54.
MIRIAM SILVERBERG investigates the study of popular culture in Japan during the 1920s and 1930s. She discusses the work of Kon Wajiro (1888-1973) and Gonda Yasunosuke (1887-1951), both of whom recorded the changes in Japanese urban life in a style she defines as ethnography. She shows how each approached the study of popular culture and analyzed it through different insights into class and cultural identities. She finds that both men rejected the idea that Japan's popular culture was becoming "Americanized," thereby setting themselves apart from the prevailing binary cultural comparisons that categorized differences in terms of self and other, Japanese and foreign. Instead, they looked into the new emerging pastimes, styles, and mores produced by burgeoning capitalism and commoditization, and found the construction historically conscious culture constituted in the practices of Japanese urban daily life. Their response, she concludes, represented a more complete acceptance of modernity in early Taisho Japan.

Sivin, Nathan. "Science and Medicine in Imperial China--The State of the Field." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 1 (1988): 41-90.
In the final article, Nathan Sivin examines studies in the science and medicine of imperial China. He notes that most publication is still oriented toward the translation or description of texts, the reconstruction of techniques, and heroic accounts of priority or discovery. Some recent works, however, deal with issues more current in the history of science and Chinese studies and draw on the indispensable resources of social and intellectual history, anthropology, and sociology.

Skinner, G. William. "Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China: Part III." Jouranl of Asian Studies 24, no. 3 (1965): 363-99.

———. "The New Sociology in China." Journal of Asian Studies 10, no. 4 (1951): 365-71.

———. "Presidential Address: The Structure of Chinese History." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (1985): 271-92.
The developmental trajectories of North China and the Southeast Coast during the middle and late imperial periods are surveyed to illustrate the recurrence of regional macrocycles of development and decline and to show that such cycles may be unsynchronized as between regions. These cases provide a basis for arguing that economic macrocycles are a systemic property--not of provinces or of the empire as a whole but of regional economies viewed as internally differentiated and interdependent systems of human interaction. An exploration of the relation between regional developmental cycles and the Chinese dynastic cycle concludes that the latter was mediated by the former. It is suggested that regional developmental cycles are cycles not only of economic prosperity and depression but also of population growth and decline, of social development and devolution, and of peace and disorder. China's historical structure, then, is seen as an internested hierarchy of local and regional histories whose scope in each case is grounded in the spatial patterning of human interaction, and whose critical temporal structures are successive cyclical episodes. The uses of such an historiographic model are briefly explored.

Smith, Joanna F. Handlin. "Gardens in Ch'i Piao-Chia's Social World: Wealth and Values in Late-Ming Kiangnan." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (1992): 55-81.
In our first article on China, JOANNA F. HANDLIN SMITH describes the passion among the late Ming-period elite in the Kiangnan region for the creation of private pleasure gardens. She shows how these garden owners came to enjoy special social influence and power through their private displays of wealth and good taste. Her conclusion is that such endeavors heightened intra-elite solidarity. Thus, she shows how the elite of the early seventeenth century had thrown over the Confucian virtue of frugality and lessened the centuries-old emphasis on lineage-centered expenditures in favor of the conspicuous consumption that furthered the sense of shared values within wealthy and educated circles.

Smith, Thomas C. "Old Values and New Techniques in the Modernization of Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 14, no. 3 (1955): 355-63.

Somers, Robert M. "Time, Space, and Structure in the Consolidation of the T'Ang Dynasty (A.D. 617-700)." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 5 (1986): 971-94.
This article is a pioneering effort to analyze the establishment and consolidation of the T'ang dynasty in processual and systemic terms. The author argues that the extension of dynastic power over the North China Plain was a much more gradual process than hitherto thought, and he reinterprets early T'ang policies in this light. He then examines the structure of the dynasty, using the analytical framework developed by Amitai Etzioni. In the final section, the author considers the mature dynasty under Hsuan-tsung and suggests comparisons with the Roman Empire.

Steiner, Kurt. "The Japanese Village and Its Government (in Village Government in Eastern and Southern Asia: A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 15, no. 2 (1956): 185-99.

Stoler, Ann Laura. "Working the Revolution: Plantation Laborers and the People's Militia in North Sumatra." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (1988): 227-47.
Ann Laura Stoler focuses on the relations between the Javanese population that lived and worked on the estates of North Sumatra and the people's militias (laskars) that occupied these estates and controlled much of their economic life during the Indonesian struggle for independence (1945-49). She describes a shift in the involvement of the workers from relatively passive providers of labor power to mobilized political activists, in response to the Dutch reoccupation of the plantation belt in 1947. Although the laskar members and the plantation poor were of different ethnic and class origins, they were linked by changing ties of dependency and shared experience, which shaped both the patterns of colonial resistance and the estate labor movement that later emerged.

Strauch, Judith. "Community and Kinship in Southeastern China: The View From the Multilineage Villages of Hong Kong." Journal of Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (1983): 21-50.
The role of patrilineal ideology in Chinese village social organization varies more widely than the orthodox paradigm would predict. In minor multilineage communities closely interspersed among dominant elite lineages, interlineage rivalry and competition may indeed prevail. But in the many similar villages somewhat removed from the pressures of dominant lineage expansionism, lineage solidarity may coexist harmoniously with community solidarity, legitimized through a liberal extension of the kinship idiom. This article reviews several village studies and describes in detail a multilineage alliance that complements rather than supplants lineage unity, suggesting that principles of segmentary opposition and solidarity can provide positive means of integration among separate lineages in a shared territory as effectively as among branches of a single lineage.

Strecher, Matthew C. "Beyond "Pure" Literature: Mimesis, Formula, and the Postmodern in the Fiction of Murakami Haruki." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 2 (1998): 354-78.

Taira, Koji. "Public Assistance in Japan: Development and Trends." Journal of Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (1967): 95-109.

Tambiah, Stanley J. "Presidential Address: Reflections on Communal Violence in South Asia." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (1990): 741-60.
Stanley Tambiah's Presidential Address takes up the topic of ethnic conflict in the context of South Asia. He begins with a social scientist's sober reflection that ethnic identity itself is a "persistent, boisterous and many-headed beast," and then explores how ethnicity has shaped riots in South Asia. Tambiah sees these ethnic riots, all too common in our present-day world, not as random events, but as a recurring phenomenon with recognizable patterns of participation, premeditation and increasingly ugly violence. In conclusion, Tambiah points out that democracy, as opposed to more authoritarian forms of government, may provide a setting conducive to ethnic violence, and so our theories of politics may have to accept collective violence as a component of democracy at work. In fact, he suggests that the logic of mass politics in homogenized, bureaucratized nation states surely frustrates cultural pluralism and thus Smay further feed the demons behind ethnic riots.

Tooker, Deborah E. "Putting the Mandala in Its Place: A Practice-Based Approach to the Spatialization of Power on the Southeast Asian `Periphery'--The Case of the Akha." Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 2 (1996): 323-58.
DEBORAH TOOKER interrogates models of premodern Southeast Asian political systems, specifically mandala and other spatialized concepts associated with the `cosmic polity,' by arguing that they are constructed from the viewpoint of elite sources and the center. Consequently, they "reaffirm existing power structures." By drawing on present-day ethnographic fieldwork-namely, her work on the Akha, a tribal upland ethnic minority living along the Thai-Burmese border-she demonstrates that `cosmic polity' approaches are constructed on an "encompassment model of hierarchy" and therefore overlook the possibility of contestations occurring within that hierarchy. Indeed, her study of the Akha and their specific notions of a supralocal political unit (myan), village polity, and household, shows that spatial codes are deployed differently in different contexts. As well as highlighting the links between spatial relations and power relations, her fieldwork leads her to emphasize the importance of understanding the "interrelationships between societies as parts of larger political-economic systems." Thus, she argues for a more practice-based approach to the understanding of spatiopolitical models.

Trager, Frank N. "Burma's Foreign Policy, 1948-56: Neutralism, Third Force, and Rice." Journal of Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (1956): 89-102.

van Roy, Edward. "An Interpretation of Northern Thai Peasant Economy." Journal of Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (1967): 421-32.

van Slyke, Lyman P. "Liang Sou-Ming and the Rural Reconstruction Movement." Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 4 (1959): 457-74.

Wakeman, Jr. Frederick. "Rebellion and Revolution: The Study of Popular Movements in Chinese History." Journal of Asian Studies 36, no. 2 (1977): 201-37.

Washbrook, David. "South Asia, and the World System, and World Capitalism." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (1990): 479-508.
In David Washbrook's critique of Immanuel Wallerstein, he agrees with Wallerstein that world capitalism is unitary, but believes that Wallerstein has gone wrong in proposing core/periphery dichotomies among its critical features. Washbrook dissects and rejects Wallerstein's thesis that the world since 1750 has seen capitalism establishing its dominance in coreregions over peripheries while rendering huge regions, including South Asia, as unimportant semi-peripheries. Instead, Washbrook suggests a more complex approach in which economic and social forces within regions such as South Asia have interacted with European capitalism to remake Europe as much as Europe changed them. In place of Wallerstein's call for socialist liberation based on notions rejecting universalism and venerating particularism, Washbrook prefers the classic Marxian view of socialism. He concludes that movement toward meaningful socialism must come through confronting the capitalist world system's contradictions rather than what he regards as Wallerstein's hope to dismantle the world system into its precapitalist components.

Wetheim, W. F. "Early Asian Trade: An Appreciation of J. C. Van Leur." Journal of Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (1954): 167-73.

Wigen, Karen. "The Geographic Imagination in Early Modern Japanese History: Retrospect and Prospect." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (1992): 3-29.
KAREN WIGEN explores the importance of Japan's internal geography for understanding the Tokugawa period. She suggests that during the last two decades historians--almost in spite of themselves--have developed a spatially oriented framework for understanding the uneven economic and social development that occurred during the two and one-half centuries from 1603 to 1868. She illustrates this theme through a discussion of the unofficial system of packhorse trading, along both official and unofficial roads, through the central mountainous regions of Honshu in the eighteenth century.

Wilbur Adress, C. Martin. "The Presidential Address: China and the Skeptical Eye." Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 4 (1972): 761-68.

Wilson, George M. "Kita Ikki's Theory of Revolution." Journal of Asian Studies 26, no. 1 (1966): 89-99.

Wilson, Richard W. "Reconciling Universalism and Relativism in Political Culture: A View Based on Economic and Psychological Perspective." Journal of Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (1991): 53-66.
In our concluding article, Evelyn S. Rawski masterfully summarizes the trends in recent scholarship on the Ming-Ch'ing period (Rawski uses the pinyin romanization "Ming-Qing" in her title and throughout her article). Her survey shows the steadily widening range of topics in socioeconomic studies of the period, as well as the increasing commonality of research questions among Ming-Ch'ing specialists with historians of other regions within Asia, as well as with those studying other areas of the world. Rawski's article is part of an ongoing project of the Association for Asian Studies' China and Inner Asian Council and marks the eighth such specially commissioned piece to appear in the JAS since 1977. A complete list of the previous state-of-the-field contributions is appended to her article.

Wittfogel, Karl A. "Oriental Society in Transition With Special Reference to Pre-Communist and Communist China." Journal of Asian Studies 14, no. 4 (1955): 469-78.

Wong, R. Bin. "Chinese Economic History and Development: A Note on the Myers-Huang Exchange." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 3 (1992): 600-611.
R. Bin Wong looks closely at the arguments about modern Chinese economic development advanced by Ramon Myers and Philip Huang in these pages in August 1991 (50.3:604-33). Both scholars found evidence of increasing commercialization over the years from 1870 to 1938, but disagreed about its meaning. Wong criticizes them both for a style of analysis that argues as if history provided textbook cases of economic principles. Myers had used evidence of market commercialization to argue that modern economic development had begun, while Huang found commercialization brought only dismal economic involution. Wong believes that both are idealizations of the market and inappropriate; instead, he prefers approaches that can explain imperfect historical cases. Wong further concludes that Myers misconstrued the connections between commercialization and modern economic growth. Wong argues that Adam Smith's economic theories suggest only that commercialization can yield modest improvements and do not imply, as Myers does, a pattern of modern economic growth associated with ever-improving technology. Wong also concludes that Huang's argument that increasing commercialization did not bring modern economic development to the Jiangsu countryside is plausible only if Huang is willing to accept the premise of a dual economy, in which modern and traditional sectors exist side-by-side. Wong finds that Huang is unclear on this point. Wong himself concludes that great spatial variation within China makes some modified form of a dual economy useful in interpreting the Chinese economy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

———. "Food Riots in the Qing Dynasty (in Food, Famine, and the Chinese State--A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 41, no. 4 (1982): 767-88.
Competition over grain supplies produced conflict when the people controlling large stores of grain failed to sell or lend grain at prices and in quantities demanded by the people needing grain. These conflicts, known generally as food riots, took place within a general political economy of grain circulation that spanned a wide variety of local situations. A brief sketch of different types of grain circulation and forms of food rioting establishes the setting for case studies that show the range of possible food riot situations and official reactions to the problems posed by food riots. Materials from the case studies are then drawn on to address the general questions of why rioters acted as they did, why their actions became a common type of conflict in the Qing dynasty, and why food riots persisted through periods of political strength and weakness.

Wong, Young-Tsu. "Revisionism Reconsidered: Kang Youwei and the Reform Movement of 1898." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 3 (1992): 513-44.
Young-tsu Wong challenges an influential revisionist view of the Reform Movement of 1898, a failed effort to redirect Qing dynastic policy. The revisionists, especially Huang Zhangjian and Luke Kwong, have claimed that Kang Youwei's role in the Reform Movement has been greatly exaggerated, largely as a result of Kang's own misrepresentations. Kang's self-serving distortions, they have argued, also served to inflate the significance of the Reform Movement itself and later were perpetuated because they served the pro-Republican, anti-Qing biases of most historians. Young-tsu Wong's research leads him to reassert both the original emphasis on the importance of the Reform Movement and the importance of Kang Youwei's role in it. Wong not only marshals considerable new archival and other documentary evidence in support of his case, but also provides convincing characterizations of the leading personalities at the Qing court to buttress his case.

Wright, Mary C. "Chinese History and the Historical Vocation (in Symposium on Chinese Studies and the Disciplines)." Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 4 (1964): 513-16.

Wu, Tien-Wei. "The Kiangsi Soviet Period: A Bibliographical Review on the Ch`En Ch`Eng Collection." Journal of Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (1970): 395-412.
The Kiangsi Soviet period, the second phase of the Chinese Communist movement, began with the establishment of the Chingkangshan base by Mao Tse-tung in late 1927 and ended in the "Long March" in October 1934. The study of this important period had long remained sketchy because of lack of materials. With the release of the Ch'en Ch'eng Collection--a collection of Communist documents, papers, and publications from the Kiangsi Soviet period--in 21 microfilm reels, a comprehensive study of this period is possible for the first time. The bulk of materials of the Collection falls in the years, 1930-1934. The Collection contains over 70 periodicals, six of which were published with regularity and duration. Scattered in several journals, we found 17 articles from the pen of Mao Tse-tung, which are not included in his Selected Works (Peking, 1965). The materials cover a variety of subjects from the Soviet congresses, the establishment of the Soviet economy, peasantry and labor, the intraparty struggle to the Red Army and its many campaigns against the Chinese Nationalists. Major works in all these areas are briefly introduced here.

Yamamoto, Tatsuro, and Sumiko Yamamoto. "II. The Anti-Christian Movement in China, 1922-1927 (in Religion and Modernization in the Far East: A Symposium)." Journal of Asian Studies 12, no. 2 (1953): 133-47.

Ying-Chang, Chuang, and Arthur P. Wolf. "Marriage in Taiwan, 1881-1905: An Example of Regional Diversity." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (1995): 781-95.
On the basis of household registers maintained by the Japanese colonial government, CHUANG YING-CHANG and ARTHUR P. WOLF map the frequency of three forms of marriage-major, minor, and uxorilocal-in Taiwan between 1881 and 1905. Although both the major and minor forms of marriage were virilocal, minor marriage differed from the major form of marriage in that it involved a child bride marrying into her husband's family. The authors find that minor marriage was more prevalent in the north than in the south, and that uxorilocal marriages varied from locality to locality and not along a north-south axis. Contrary to explanations that link the practice of minor marriage to conditions of poverty or to ethnic differences, they argue that it was the result of a "hot" marriage market in the north created by large numbers of Han Chinese settlers, a dearth of brides, and relative prosperity generated by the tea trade.

Zarrow, Peter. "He Zhen and Anarcho-Feminism in China." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (1988): 796-813.
Feminism in China arose as part of the reform movement of the 1890s. It remained largely tied to nationalist concerns until the early twentieth century, when anarchists began to conceive of women's liberation in the context of social revolution. Peter Zarrow looks at the way the anarchists enlarged the sphere of feminist discourse in China. He focuses on the anarchist He Zhen, who pointed out that women would not achieve equality with men until they became economically self-sufficient under a communist system of production.