Marc Meredith Penn logo

Curriculum Vitae


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Contact Information
University of Pennsylvania
Department of Political Science
Assistant Professor

208 S. 37th Street, Room 217
Philadelphia, PA 19104-6215
Office Phone: 215-746-7672
Cell Phone: 650-387-7492
e-mail:
marcmere@sas.upenn.edu

 



Published or Forthcoming Papers

    Abstract: This paper uses discontinuities imposed by voting-age restrictions to identify the effect of past participation on subsequent participation decisionsand partisan identification. It compares participation decisions and partisan affiliations of individuals who turned eighteen just before past elections with those who turned eighteen just after. It presents three main findings. First, past presidential election eligibility increases the probability of subsequent participation. For example, I find that 2000 presidential election eligibility increased participation in the 2004 presidential election by 3.0 to 4.5 percent, which suggests that 2000 presidential election participation increased the probability of 2004 election participation by 4.9 to 7.3 percentage points. Second, participation in past presidential elections affects partisan identification. Third, these effects continue to persist for several election cycles after a voter first becomes eligible.
    Abstract: Although there are compelling theoretical reasons to believe that unequal political representation in a legislature leads to an unequal distribution of funds, testing such theories empirically is challenging because it is difficult to separate the effects of representation from the effects of either population levels or changes. We leverage the natural experiment generated by infrequent and discrete Census apportionment cycles to estimate the distributional effects of malapportionment in the U.S. House of Representatives. We find that changes in representation cause changes in the distribution of federal outlays to the states. Our method is exportable to any democratic system in which reapportionments are regular, infrequent, and non-strategic.
    Abstract: This paper focuses on the strategic timing of elections by agenda-setters in direct democracy settings. Because concurrent elections affect turnout, scheduling referenda for different elections will produce different median voters. I hypothesize that agendasetters with power over the timing of a referendum will schedule the referendum in conjunction with the other set of races that produce a policy closest to their preferred outcome. Consistent with the theory, I show that Wisconsin school boards’ use of special elections for school referenda are related to differences in the revealed preferences of voters in low and high turnout elections.
    Abstract: American voters are assigned to vote at a particular polling location (e.g., a church, school, etc.). We show these assigned polling locations can influence how people vote. Analysis of a recent general election demonstrates that people who were assigned to vote in schools were more likely to support a school funding initiative. This effect persisted even when controlling for voters’ political views, demographics, and unobservable characteristics of individuals living near schools. A follow-up experiment using random assignment suggests that priming underlies these effects, and that they can occur outside of conscious awareness. These findings underscore the subtle power of situational context to shape important real-world decisions.


Papers Under Review

    Abstract: During the contest for Kansas attorney general in 2006, an organization sent out 6 pieces of mail criticizing the incumbent’s conduct in office. We exploit a discontinuity in the rule used to select which households received the mailings to identify the causal effect of mail on vote choice and voter turnout. We find these mailings had both a statistically and politically significant effect on the challenger’s vote share. Our estimates suggest that a ten percentage point increase in the amount of mail sent to a precinct increased the challenger’s vote share by approximately three percentage points. Furthermore, our results suggest that the mechanism for this increase was persuasion rather than mobilization.
    Abstract: We investigate the mechanisms leading to ballot order effects in California city council and school board elections. We show that being listed first on the ballot increases a candidate’s likelihood of winning office by about five percent age points. Being listed in the median ballot position, on the other hand, reduces the likelihood of winning office by 2.5 percentage points. Both effects are robust to the presence of incumbents in the race and statewide races are on the ballot. Standard satisficing models cannot fully explain ballot order effects in our dataset of multi-winner elections because candidates listed second perform significantly worse than candidates listed first and relatively similar to candidates listed third.
    Abstract:Voting-by-mail (VBM) provides voters the opportunity to cast ballots without being exposed to the information revealed in the final weeks leading up to Election Day. We assess whether the resulting informational differences between VBM and polling place voters affect electoral outcomes. We overcome the identification problem caused by the self-selection of voters into VBM by exploiting an election administration policy in California in which some precincts are assigned to be VBM-only based on an arbitrary threshold of the number of registered voters. Analyzing the 2008 California presidential primary, we show that VBM both increases the probability of selecting withdrawn candidates and affects the relative performance of candidates remaining in the race. Our findings have implications both for public policy and for the study of campaign effects and momentum in American elections.


Working Papers - Feedback Appreciated

    Abstract: Many papers demonstrate substantively large positive associations in the United States and elsewhere between the vote shares of a party’s top-ballot candidates, like presidential and gubernatorial candidates, and the vote shares and winning percentages of the party’s down-ballot candidates, like congressional and state legislative candidates. These associations are often interpreted causallly despite long-standing warnings about the potential confounds. I use an instrumental variables approach exploiting “friends-and-neighbors voting” to overcome this identification problem; that is, I use the increased relative support for top-ballot candidates in their home counties as source of variation in the personal appeal top-ballot candidates that is assumed to be conditionally independent of support for down-ballot candidates, except through the channel of top-ballot voting. My results suggest there are significant gubernatorial coattail effects for down-ballot candidates in the governor’s home county. A one percentage point increase in a governor’s vote share increases the performance of down-ballot candidates by 0.16 percentage points in my preferred specification.
    Abstract: The literature on economic voting notes that voters' subjective evaluations of the overall state of the economy are correlated with vote choice, whereas personal economic experiences are not. Missing from this literature is a description of how voters acquire information about the general state of the economy, and how that information is used to form perceptions. In order to begin understanding this process, we asked a series of questions on the 2006 ANES Pilot about respondents' perceptions of the average price of gas and the unemployment rate in their home state. In this chapter we analyze both the determinents and political consequences of respondents' percpetions of these economic variables. We find that questions about gas prices and unemployment show divergences in the sources of information about these two economic variables. Information about unemployment rates come from media sources, and are systematically biased by partisan factors. Information about gas prices, in contrast, comes only from everyday experiences. While information about both indicators show effects from demographics, only unemployment rates affect a respondent's political outlook. Moreover, perceptions of unemployment rates can be used to isolate the effect of economics on partisan preferences.