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The problem of standardization of Spoken Tamil.

The question of whether there exists a variety of spoken Tamil that is `standard' is a somewhat difficult issue. Many linguistic scholars have approached the issue and have various conclusions to offer; the concensus seems to be that a standard spoken Tamil, if it does not already exist, is at least `emerging' and can be described as that variety that one hears used in the Tamil `social' film, and on the radio and in the production of `social' dramas, both live and on radio and television; it is the variety that emerges when speakers of various local and social dialects meet in college and university hostels in Tamilnadu and must, perhaps for the first time in their lives, speak a variety of Tamil that is understandable to other Tamils from vastly different parts of Tamilnadu. An attempt to be comprehensible to the largest number of speakers means avoiding regionalisms, caste-specific forms, rustic or vulgar forms, or anything stereotypical of a particular place or community. In recent years this kind of inter-caste, inter-regional dialect has most typically resembled higher-caste, educated speech of non-Brahman groups in Tamilnadu; according to some it is neither from the far north (i.e. Madras) or from the far southern reaches of Tamilnadu (e.g. Kanniyakumari District), but rather from urban areas in the more `central' districts of Tamilnadu, such as Thanjavur, Trichy, or Madurai. In cases of doubt as to whether a form is acceptable or not, speakers apparently tend to lean more toward Literary Tamil, and may choose a form that is not actually found in any spoken regional or social dialect, but is known from Literary Tamil. Since Literary Tamil is the form that all educated speakers know, it can be a repository from which general forms can be chosen; this is another aspect of what Labov's maxim (1971:450) according to which non-standard languages in contact with a standard one will vary in the direction of the standard. Here it is not in a formal context, but in a context of avoiding stigmatization.

For example, speakers may model their choice of the past neuter form of verbs on the Literary Tamil past atu [adu], e.g. vant - atu [vand-adu], rather than the form found very commonly in many non-Brahman dialects, i.e. [-cci] or [-ccu], e.g. [vandu-cci] `it came.' (which is not found per se in Literary Tamil with this verb, but has spread from Class 3 verbs, or from the prototypical pasts in - 66u of verbs like poo [poo] `go' and aaku [aa(hu)] `become', which have spoken pasts [pooccu] and [aaccu] (from Literary Tamil pooyi66u and aayi66u , respectively.) Other speakers may choose the [ccu/i] forms unequivocally, so that no hard and fast rules can be given for many forms.

In fact though we conclude that while some concensus does exist as to what spoken Tamil entails, the situation must be described as being extremely variable and fluid. Individual speakers may vary considerably, even in their own speech, depending upon whom they are talking to, or what the topic of conversation is. These phenomena have been noted by many linguists working in the field of sociolinguistics, and are not limited to Tamil. Speakers may vary depending on social characteristics such as their place of birth, their community of origin, their level of education, their socio-economic status, their sex (male vs. female), their age, their occupation, and any other social markers one may isolate.

Given this kind of fluidity, we have made our own decisions about what form might be given that would be acceptable to most speakers, forms that would be neutral as to most social characteristics (except that it would not be typically Brahman, nor from the lowest non-Brahman usage.) This is based on our own observations of Tamil usage, and in particular from close study of the Tamil film and the Tamil radio play.





next up previous
Next: Transliteration. Up: Deep Background: an English Previous: Sources of data



Harold Schiffman
Thu Apr 2 08:48:57 EST 1998